James Mackpherson to the Trustees, Sept. 13, 1735, Fort Argyle, received Dec. 6, 1735, C.O. 5/637, pp. 227-228, thanking them for a present and expressing his desire to be of help in Georgia.
May it Please Your Honours
The Favour of Yours I received by Mr Causton allso ye Present Your Honours sent me. I think my Self happy in haveing my Conduct, & small Services approved off, by Your Honours; Wishing at ye same time it was more in my Power to serve this Colony, than what it is; Assureing You none should be more ready to Serve, or more Zealously endeavour ye Effecting whatever may be thought Conducive to ye Safety, Welfare, or Defence of the Colony, by the Magistrates thereof, Whose Comands shall constantly meet with due Regard from me.
I beg leave to return Yr Honours thanks for Your Kind Present.
James Mackpherson to James Oglethorpe, Sept. 13, 1735, Fort Argyle, received Dec. 6, 1735, C.O. 5/637, pp. 230-231, thanking him for his favorable recommendation and the present from the Trustees.
Sr
This, with the most Gratefull asknowledgement I send, being ye only return in my Power to Offer, for ye favour of Yours, & the Honour You’ve done me by the most favourable representation of these little Services by me perform’d To Their Honours ye Trustees, Who have sent a Letter of approbation, as allso the present mention’d in Yours. The Honour of ye Former, I Value at a much greater Rate, than to imagine any Service I can perform can merit; But like an Indulgent Friend, You over rate my Actions, That Their Honours may Liberally Reward.
I cant pretend to inform You of any News from this part of ye World, more then ye Generall Joy, that Visibly appears in each Countenance at ye Thoughts of Your arrival, which is daily as eagerly wisht for, as Expected, by all.
William Gough to the Trustees, Sept. 14, 1735, Savannah, received Dec. 6, 1735, C.O. 5/637, p. 233, announcing the death of his wife and offering his services to the Trustees.
Right Honourable Gentlemen
It having pleased the Almighty since my last to this Honourable Board, to deprive me of my Spouse, which with my before Losses of Father Mother and Child, has almost overset me, but when I consider, the Soveraign right the Creator has over the Creature, my murmers cease and I am Silent.
Therefore most Honourable, since it has been his Divine Will, thus to bereave me of my Earthly comforts, I humbly Dedicate my self to the Service of your Honourable Board, assuring you Gentlemen, nothing shall be more at heart, than the Honour of my Noble Benefactors, and the Interest of their delightful Georgia.
I am ready with cheerfullness to go on all occasions by Sea or Land, and be the Orders what they will, shall Glory in the command, though I dye in the Action.
N.B. I have served as a Midshipman in the Navy.
James Burnside254 to the Trustees, Sept. 15, 1735, Savannah, received Dec. 6, 1735, C.O. 5/637, pp. 236-237, concerning his duties as writing master and expenses of living in Georgia.
Gentlemen
As you have by License impowered me to Instruct the Youth of this Province in Writing and Accts &c. Their Improvemt therein being the best recommendation I can have to yr Honrs favour, and the only way that now offers whereby I can make appear the Just sense of Gratitude I retain for the many & great favours reced, begg you’ll accept of a full assurance of my firm resolution to do all in my Power that may contribute thereto.
My Lott being in the Country am Obliged to take a House at 10 £ St. per Ann, wch money, was it in & abt Town might be Imployed thereon, to the great advantage.
Philip George Frederick Von Reck to Harman Verelst, Sept. 18, 1735 (N. S.), Frankfurt, C.O. 5/637, pp. 238-239, concerning his arrival with forty emigrants and his hoped for arrival in England in fifteen days. Translated from the original French.
Sir,
In conformity with the orders of Messrs, the very honourable Trustees, I departed at once from Ratisbonne, and the sixth from Augsburg, with a transport of 40 persons, which increased to 50, and arrived the 15 at Frankfort, If the time and the wind favour us, we shall be, with the aid of God, in less than 15 days at Gravesend to await your orders. The Carinthiens excuse themselves at present from going to Georgia without the company of their wives. I shall have the honour to say to you by word of mouth what is to be expected of them.
Robert Millar to the Trustees, Sept. 27, 1735, Kingstown in Jamaica, C.O. 5/637, pp. 241-242, Egmont 14201, pp. 193-194, concerning his botanical travels.
Gentlemen
In My last of June the 20th I gave you an Account of My Tour to Carthagena &c & of My Design to take another down to Campechy & Le Vera Cruz, wch I hope you have Receved before now.
The Ipecacuanna Plants that I brought with me from Carthagena & had then Such a Bad Appearance, are by the favour of this Rainy Season, Shooting out all fresh from the Roots and in a very Promising way. Ther is also Some of the Balsam Capaivi Seed’s wch I Planted Come up; These of the Balsam Tolu have not as yet appeared above Ground, but I have stil Remaining Some of the Best Seed’s of Both of ym which I keep for the Colony of Georgia.
I have been Disappointed in my Passage to Campechy Since My last, The Gentlemen Concerned not thinking proper to Send a Vessel till they have Certain advice from England of Peace with Spain wch we are still here uncertain off, having no Vessel from Britain these two Months. Since the time of My Setting out On that Voyage being delayed, I have Made a Trip to the Eastern part of this Island, wher I made a Smal Collection of Specimens of Some Trees, Shrubs & plants, but have found Nothing worth Mentioning Particularly to your Honours & if My Voyage be longer put off I intend to make a Journy through the Northern & Western parts also, that ther may be no opportunity lost.
Thomas Causton to the Trustees, Sept. 29 and Oct. 15, 1735, Savannah, received Dec. 1, 1735, C.O. 5/637, pp. 255-256, Egmont 14201, pp. 205-206, concerning purchase of cattle and fowls for Georgians, his source of funds, and the Indian trade problem with South Carolina.
May it please Your Honours
Having Setled Accounts with Mr Samuel Eveleigh Coppys of which are Enclosed.255 He desired a Bill of Exchange for the ballance, which I have drawn on Your Honours at thirty Days after Sight, and have charged my Cash Account therewith.
I have also bought Cattle and Fowls for Mr August Gotlieb Spangenberg and have drawn a Bill of Exchange on you payable to Messs Jenys & Baker for Sixteen pounds five Shillings Sterling agreeable to your Orders having reced so much Cash of them, Value in Currency.
I have also Bought Cattle & Fowls for Tomochachi Mico of Yamacraw to the Value of twenty Seven pounds Sterling the Value of which in Currency, I have also reced of Messs Jenys & Baker, And have therefore drawn a Bill of Exchange on you for that Sume payable to them.
I have Also bought Cattle & Fowls for the Saltzburghers at Ebenezer to the Value of thirty Six pounds fifteen Shillings Sterling which I have also reced of Messs Jenys & Baker in Currency have drawn a Bill of Exchange on you for that Sume also payable to them.
Mr. [Isaac] Chardon having sent the Enclosed which is a Repetition of a former Letter from him wch he afterwards Contradicted, I have left off drawing upon him for account of Provisions, save that at his own particular Request I drew a Bill on him payable to Capt James Macpherson for the Sume of three hundred & fifty pounds as appears by the enclosed Indent No 27.
Messs David Douglass and Andrew Grant Merchants in this Town having much Importuned me to lett them have a Bill of Exchange for One hundred pounds Sterling, I reced the Value of them in Currency and have drawn a Bill for so much on you payable to them at the usuall time and is placed to Account of Provisions.
As Messs Jenys and Baker is allways ready to Supply me with what Currency I want, I shall on the failure of Mr Chardon draw for Such Sumes as Necessity require payable to them, and send Your Honours Imediate Advice.
The People are (I bless God) in very good Health, and very Orderly inclined.
The Government of Carolina have Sent an Agent into the Indian Nation, and Captain [Patrick] Mackay does not think proper to Return thither till somebody Comissioned by Your Honours shall arrive here.
P.S. This is deliver’d to Capt Wilson’s own hand being now here and takes in Skins on Acct of Mr [Samuel] Eveleigh.
James Abercromby to Harman Verelst, Oct. 8, 1735, Charles Town, received Dec. 6, 1735, C.O. 5/637, p. 252, Egmont 14201, p. 201, concerning new regulations for exports from South Carolina and Georgia.
Sir
The favour of Your Letter of the 15th of May by Direction of the Right Honble Trustees, came safe by Way of Georgia. The kind Reception, my Inclination to Serve the Colony has hetherto met with, by the Worthy Promoters of it, calls for all the good Offices my Scituation here, may bring in my Way.
I am Glad the Hint I gave Mr Oglethorpe, provd a means to Obtain the Clause You Sent me inclosd.256 At first perusing, I did imagine a further extension was Allowd to Georgia, than to this Province, The Words In Europe being left out in the Enacting Part of the Clause relating to Georgia, but the concluding Words of the same Clause “Under the like Entries Securetys Restrictions Regulations Limitations &c as describd by the Act of the 3d Year of His present Majesty” restrain it, to the Disappointment of many of our Merchants who were actually thinking of Sending Vessels to Savannah there to Load under this Clause.
It was very agreeable for me to find my Opinion in Capt Yoakleys case was consonant to that of Such Lawyers as the Trustees had consulted.
I shall always and on all Occasions lay hold of every Opportunety, that offers for the Welfare of their People. I wish for nothing more than Power equal to my Zeal effectually to prove the Same.
Francis Harbin to Harman Verelst, Oct. 14, 1735 (O. S.), Amsterdam, C.O. 5/637, p. 246, concerning the possibilities of securing servants.
Sr
I writ You from Rotterdam of ye 10th Instant to wch I refer, And am Now to Acquaint You, that at my Arrival here was Condoled by my Correspondents on my late comeing to this Place, because that the Streets which for 6 Weeks last past had been Crowded wth such Persons as I wanted, had now been Picked by ye Et Indie Chamber of this City, & ye residue Despairing of Employ were returnd to Their native Countrys last Week, Yet upon Inquiry I find there is still many more then I want, but am Obstructed by an unforeseen Difficulty (Viz).
The Lords of this City deem every Person a Subject yt comes here to get his liveing, & therefore will not permit any Person to send Them away without leave from Them, what Expence it will be to Obtain it, I shall Know to Morrow, & thereby be Enabled to give a Categorical Answer in my next.
Elisha Dobree to the Trustees, Oct. 15, 1735, Savannah, received Dec. 1, 1735, C.O. 5/637, p. 279, concerning his proposal to erect salt pans, his garden, and the lack of servants.
Honr Sirs
I most humbly Request your Consideration & Grant of my Petition Inclosed in Such a manner as to your Honnours Wisdom Shall Seem most meet.
P.S. We are half Starved here for want of Provissions. Capt Yoakley is not yet Arrived from Philadelphia had we Salt Plenty here we might Expect vessells every week with Provissions but for want of that & &c. we Suffer Greatly. I would begin in the Spring Early to prepare The Ground for The Salt Pans If your Honnrs are Inclined To promote so Publick & Advantageous Undertaking for this Infant Colony. Let me beg of you to hasten your Grant. Was I to Chuse ye Place I would Chuse an Island Small Eno to prevent any other settlement but I as a Beggar must not Carve for My Self. I shall gladly receive The Crumbs from your Table of Generosity & Publick Welfare with Gratefull thanks for unmerited Favours Granted to Such Creature as I.
Mr Causton having these 5 Months Past deprived me of My Servants for that I could not pay their purchase down I have made but little Improvemt of Late in My Garden where now Grows a fine parcell of Orange Plants, Some Capers, Figgs & Vines & I have writ to the four Corners of ye World (pardon my Expression) for all Sorts of Foreign Plants &c Intending to make a Nursery & Strive which of ye Two, ye Publick Garden or mine Shall be ye best.
I have hired four of ye Purrysburg men to Clear my 45 Acres & Cultivate ye Same or part thereof wch I dessign for Trees & Plants &c.
Francis Harbin to Harman Verelst, Oct. 21, 1735 (O. S.), Amsterdam, C.O. 5/637, p. 244, concerning his troubles in securing servants.
Sr
It gives me much uneasiness yt I cannot Yet assure You whether I shall Compleat my Commission or not. Last Saturday I might have had more Men then I wanted, proviso, I would as the East & West Indie Companys do here (Viz) clear the Debts They Owed here, & then The Persons would be Bound for Seven Years, but You Know I had neither Instructions nor Ability to do it. Yesterday I might also have had pretty near the Number of Men required but on Examination They were all Romans, Consequently Contary to my Instructions. In my letter of ye 14th Instant from this Place I Acquainted You yt I was Informed I must have leave from ye Lords of this City to Engage any Persons, wch is too True but as yt is but a trivial Expence, tho attended wth much Trouble shall not mind it. In my next hope to give You an Account that I have Surmounted all Difficulties. Please to present my Duty to ye Honble Trustees.
Isaac Chardon to the Trustees, Oct. 25, 1735, Charles Town, C.O. 5/637, p. 281, concerning his accounts with the Trustees and the arrival of provisions for Georgia.
Gentn
With this Letter you will receive257 your accounts as I have continued them to this day.
Mr Thomas Causton having drawn upon me this Last quarter for less mony than Usual the ballance proves to be in your favour £ 254. 13. 6. our currency.
Two days ago I received advice from Philadelphia that the ship called the James Capt Yoakley sails from thence without fail the 14 Instant Loaded with provisions for Your Colony of Georgia. I hope in a good time to meet with those Ships from London that are Imploy’d in Your Service.
I beg leave to assure you that I am with the greatest respects.
Jenys and Baker to the Trustees, Oct. 29, 1735, Charles Town, received Dec. 31, 1735, C.O. 5/637, p. 284, concerning their accounts with the Trustees.
Honble Sirs
This serves to Accompany the two last Quarters Accounts of the Duty of Rum. Ending the 4th. September, & with it comes your Accot. Currtt258 which Contains all of Mr. Caustons Drafts on us Payable out of this Fund, by which youl perceive to what use those Moneys have been Apply’d, and that there’s on this Accot a Ballance due to us, Mr. Causton having drawn for £ 589. 8. 2 on the credit of the Runing Quarter, We shall on every occasion be ready to Serve the Colony of Georgia, and duely execute all your Commands.
Francis Harbin to Harman Verelst, Oct. 31, 1735 (O. S.), Amsterdam, C.O. 5/637, p. 248, concerning the securing of servants.
Sr
I have now the Pleasure to Acquaint You that a Broaker that I have Employd is wth me & Assures me that he hath Twenty nine Men on whom I may depend, & that he hath sent for Thirty more from North Holland, wch will be here in five or Six Days at farthest, out of which I may choose the Men I want, my Expence will Exceed the Sum Allowd me, but that shall no way prevent my Diligence to Serve the Trust to whom I shall Submit every thing, & beg the favour of You to present my Duty, & Accept my Humble Service to Your self.
Lt. Gov. Thomas Broughton to the Earl of Egmont, Oct. 1735, Charles Town, C.O. 5/638, pp. 1-16, Egmont 14201, pp. 197-199, concerning the Georgia-South Carolina argument over the Indian trade and Captain Patrick Mackay.259
Lt. Gov. Thomas Broughton to Patrick Mackay, April 29, 1735, Charles Town, C.O. 5/637, p. 258, Egmont 14200, pp. 575-577, enclosing an extract of a letter from the Governor at St. Augustine260 complaining of English traders who incite the Cowetas and Talapoche Indians against the Spanish.
Sr
We send you herewith the Extract of a Lre from the Goverr of S Augustin to his Excy which we desire you will Carefully peruse, and make all possible Inquiry what grounds there are for the Complaints he makes agt the Capns or Traders therein mentioned & by the first opportunity give us a full acct of the same. We also desire you will use yr best application for preventing any transactions that may tend towards a Breach of the Articles of Friendship Settled between the two provinces, it being highly Necessary to mentain a good correspondence with them especially at this time when we remain under an uncertainty what share the Court of England may have in the Troubles now subsisting in Europe.
[John] Fenwick to Patrick Mackay, June 12, 1735, Charles Town, C.O. 5/637, p. 264, Egmont 14201, pp. 17-18, concerning reports that Mackay has excluded South Carolina traders from the Creek nation.
Sr
In the Governors absence from Town it is now represented to me (by way of Complaint) that you have forced out of the Creek Nation Sevll Indian Traders (that were Lycenced & had Entd into Bonds to this Governmt Agreeable to our Law) with orders not to return there any more. Alledging for reason that some Traders had Enter’d into Bond Obliging themselves to buy their goods at & Carry their Skins to Georgia without haveing any regard to the Governmt of this Province, & that as some of the Traders had already Entered into such Bonds, you Were resolved that none but Such should Trade in that Nation.
I should indeed be Exceedingly Surprized at those proceedings if they were really proved to be true in fact as represented to me, but here being as Yet no regular Complt made nor other Acct I believe come to Town than what is by Lre or at second hand, I cant tell how to give Creditt to the reasons Assigned for yr discharging some Traders from the Nation. However as I Expect this Lre will meet with Coll Bull before he setts out from home I take the opportunity to Inform you of this Matter already so much Talkt of here; & is what I am well perswaded will be so farr reguarded & Enquired into by the Governmt that there will be nothing wanting that lies in their power to Support the Kings Subjects in his Province in a free Trade among their Indians as Usual. Therefore as it is Expected there will be a Regular complaint made by the Merchts (or Traders when they come down) I should be glad to Know from you if any grounds for a report of this Kind or if you have any Objection to make agt any of these Traders.
I should be very sorry if any difference should arise on Any Acct between the 2 Collonyes Not Imagining it was possible that any could happen so soon on this Head, by what Mr Oglethorpe told me & by what I apprehended he concluded upon Viz. that no Lycenced trader from this Governmt Conforming to our Law for regulating the Indian Trade, Should be Interrupted by any officer belonging to Georgia but at the same time he thought it advisable, that we should not send a Greater Number than we had done.
I am glad to hear of the Success you have had in getting the Indians Consent to Erect a fort. A Line or two in Answer to this will Oblige.
Lt. Gov. Thomas Broughton of S. C. to Patrick Mackay, July 4, 1735, Charles Town, C.O. 5/637, pp. 258-259, Egmont 14201, pp. 77-79, concerning Mackay’s actions against S. C. Indian traders.
Sr
It is no less Surprizing to me than it is to his Majtys Councill I have regular Complaints lay’d before this Board proved upon Oath as well by many of the Merchts in this Town as by Sevll Indian Traders who had given Security for their good behaviour & were Lycensed according to our Law to Trade among the Creek Indians, that you have in a Arbitrary & Violent manner not only forced those Traders and Sevll Others not yet come to Town out of the said Nation with all their goods & Effects to their great Loss & damage, but have threatned them in a Peremptory manner that if they presume to return to trade in that Nation with Lycence from this Governmt that you will Seize their Horses & Effects for which you can have no Authority, & tho’ you have done those things under pretence of Regulating the Trade by Reducing the Numbers of Traders, yet it appears to me & his Majtys Council that you have already shewd your Selfe partiall therein, & that only a Certain small Number entering into Company at your Instigation & taking a Lycense from the Colony of Georgia, is Intended by you to reap the benefitt of that trade, with the Creek or Chekasaw Indians.
These Ilegall proceedings agt his Majtys Subjects of this Collony trading with a free People in Amity with the Same & Conformable to the Laws of this Province & Pursuant to an order sent this governmt by her Late Majty Queen Ann in Councill wherein all Interuption was forbid to be given to any of her Majtys Subjects to Trade with the Indians requires me Imediately to Interpose therein not only to protect the trade of this Collony which is free to all his Majtys Liege Subjects; but also to defend their Persons from the Violence of those who Act without any Legal Authority & that are not Immediately within the Reach of the Laws of Great Britain and those of this Province. And therefore to prevent the great Loss & damage that must Soon ensue to the said Complaints in Case they have not free Liberty to trade wth those Nations of Indians as usual & that you may not plead Ignorance of the Lawfull & just Right this Province still hath & do Claim in Sending Goods to trade with those Indians, exclusive of the pretended Right you claim as belonging to Georgia. I do now Inform you with the Advice of his Majtys Councill yt such of his Majtys Subjects in this Province applying for Lycence & giving Security for their good behavior among the said Indians according to our Law shall have free Liberty from this Governmt to go & trade therewith & that I do Expect you’ll give no Molestation nor Interruption to them, as this Governmt on the Contrary will be Obliged to take such measures as will Effectually prevent the Traders fitted out from hence meeting with any Disturbance.
I herewith send you a Copy of a Lre Just now reced from the Commander at Moville,261 by which you will see how your Actions & Talks given those Indians hath given Offence to the french Governmt there. You know best how deserving you are of that Charge, as well as to that layed to you by the Governr of St Augustine on Account of the late mischief done by the Spaniards, both which I shall be sorry to find thro’ your Indiscretion & want of Experience you are deserving of, least in this time of Peace we should with the Colony of Georgia be Involved in having those Injurys revenged on our out Inhabitants. I am told since I came to Town that his Majtys Attorny Genll is gone to Georgia to whome I Inclose this Lre to be Deld to you by whome I Expect your Answer to this.
P. S. I must Inform you that when this Governmt agreed to give the Trustees of Georgia 7 or 8000 £ in consideration of Mr Oglethorps undertaking to Erect a Fort & Garrison in the upper Creek Nation that it was never Intended by this Governmt that his Majtys Subjects therein should be Excluded & debared from trading among those Indians as Usual, not that the Officer of that Garrison should be Cloathed with any such Power over the Traders as they now Complain you have exerted agt them.
Affidavit of Jeremiah Nott, July 4, 1735, Charles Town, C.O. 5/637, pp. 267-268, Egmont 14201, pp. 81-83, detailing Patrick Mackay’s actions against him and other Creek traders.
So Carolina
Before the Honble Tho: Broughton Esqr Lieutent Governr Personally appeared Jeremiah Nott Indian Trader who being duely Sworn Declares Vizt
That he has used and been a Trader under and in the Creek Nation ever Since the 1728 or thereabts and that in all things he has So behaved as to give no Cause of Complaint against him.
That he Sometime about the Month of July last took out a Lycence from this Province of So Carolina, by wch he was permitted to Trade in the Cahabawhatchee Town in the Upper Creeks, that he Continued there so trading untill the latter end of March last past at which time there came one Nicho. Fisher and in the Name of Patrick McKeey [MacKay] Served this Depont with a Warrant under the Hand and Seal of sd Pat. McKeey Comanding this Dept immediately on sight thereof to move himself his goods and Horses from the Cahabawhatchee Town to the Wehokees and there remain untill further orders and thereof not fail at his Peril.
And Accordingly with all Convenient Speed he the said Jeremiah did Remove all his Effects, not so much as trading for one Skin after, and in Crossing the Coosaw River with his Goods, his Canoe was over Sett and he lost in goods to the Value of two Hundred Weight of Dear Skins, and at last got to the Wehokees, and there remained untill the Begining of Apl at wch time he was Shewed a Lre directed to Archibald McGilvery, requiring him and all the traders in the upper Creeks to meet the said McKeey at a Place Called the half way House in order to Conduct the sd McKeey into that Nation, And Accordinly this Dept went, and Severall others met him, and Accompany’d him to the Follooses in the Creek Nation.
About two Days after they were all Summon’d to meet to the No of abt 12 Men, accordingly they mett, and the said Patrick McKeey gave them a Talk, the purport of which was, that he had heard some Men in that Nation had receed Lres from Carolina intimating to them that he the Sd Pat. McKeey had nothing to do with the Trade of that Nation, that he was Sent there only to get a Fort built &ca. He therefore Demanded to know which of all those then present would refuse to go down to Georgia, on which there was a profound Silence for Sometime and then this dept Spoke, saying he believed it did not Signify whether they went to Georgia or Carolina, for it was all one Kings Governmt. Upon which the sd McKeey replyed and said that there was Sevll Gentlemen then in Company pointing to one Tho. Goodale and Others that had heard the Honble James Oglethorpe Esqr say, and that they very well knew that the Indian Trade did belong to Georgia, and that it Soley belong’d to them, but Carolina had beg’d that they might have Liberty to Grant Lycences for that year but that they had no more to do there now. On which Tho. Goodale Said he had heard Mr Oglethorpe say the Same, and he knew it to be true.
Sometime after being at the Osuskees at another Meeting the said Pat. McKeey being present, and Tho. Goodale Martin Kane, Tho. Wiggin and Sevll others, there was discourse abt those Gentlemen that had Enter’d into a Company and someone that was then present said they did Suppose that Notwithstanding their being in Company yet Carolina would grant Lycences and send out Traders, or words to that Effect. The said McKeey answered and said that if any Person or persons should come from Carolina with Licence from that Governmt to Trade in that Nation, he would Seize their Horses and Effects. And this depont further declares that he has been Severall times, whilst he staid in the Nation Spoken to by Tho. Wiggin Tho. Goodale & others belonging to the Company in a threatning Manner, assuring him that if ever he Came there into that Nation to Trade any more, his Effects would Certainly be Seized and this he apprehended was done with a design to deter him from the Trade.
This Dept further Declares that after having broke up his Store, and being in Company with said McKeey he told him that he beld he had been Misinformed about him that caused him to send a Warrt or Words to that Effect and that he Could undeceive him. The said McKeey replyed that he would Ague that Cause with him another time, but never Spoke one word to him afterwards about it, but abt the 14th of May he sent him word to Depart the Nation with all his Effects.
This Dept then having by reason of the aforesd Ordrs Sevl of his Goods left unsold he Endeavour’d to sell the Same, which he at last did, but to the White people, for less than the prime Cost. Expecting never to go up again by which means he lost above 300 Wt of Deer Skins besides further Damage.
Sworn before me in the Council Chamber the 4, July 1735
Thos Broughton
Affidavit of George Cussins, July 19, 1735, Charles Town, C.O. 5/637, p. 267, Egmont 14201, p. 129, containing a complaint that Patrick Mackay stopped his trading in the Creek Nation.
Charles Town So Carolina
George Cussins being duly sworn on the holy Evangelist of Almighty God declareth that on or about the 27th Day of May last whilst he was Trading at the Chehas and Oakmulgoes in the Lower Creek Nation pursuant to his Lycence for that purpose on the behalfe of the Estate of Laucland McGillvery declared being employed on that Acct by Messs Andrew Allen, Jno Fraser & James Payne Executrs to the said Estate, Mr Pat. McKeey [Mackay] as Agent for Georgia did then come to their House in the said Nation where the said Cussins was trading and forbid the said Cussins to trade any longer there And that he would not suffer him any longer to trade under his Lycense from South Carolina and Accordingly Ordd the said George Cussins to put aside what Goods he had under his Care belonging to the said Estate and to take into the sd House what Goods he the said McKeey shoud think fitt. And Accordingly the sd Goods belonging to the sd Estate were then put aside and McKeeys goods and then concern’d with him were put into ye said House and from that time the said Cussins according to the sd Mr McKeeys Ordr left off Trading as aforesd.
GEORGE CUSSINS
Sworn before me in Councill the 19 of July 1735
THO. BROUGHTON
Magistrates of Georgia to Lt. Gov. Thomas Broughton of South Carolina, July 21, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, pp. 270-271, Egmont 14201, pp. 133-135, concerning Patrick Mackay’s treatment of Indian traders and trouble with Spanish Indians.
Capn Patk McKeey [MacKay] who is appointed by the Honble ye Trustees for Establishing this Colony to be their Agent in the Indian Nation, as also to Command their Independt Company residing there, hath laid before us your Honours Letters to him of the 29th of Apl last past & of the 4 Inst & hath required our Advice with Regard to the Sevl matters therein Contained.
In Sincere regard for the good understanding that ought for ever to Subsist between two Colonys so nearly joyned, and because we would take all opportunitys in our power to preserve it we hereby offer our Sentiments & Acquaint you, that before the Arrivall of your Honrs Lre, we were advised by Lettrs & otherwise that some Spaniards & Indians had sett upon some of our Neighbour Indians in one of their hunting Camps & had killed them, and that this was supposed to be done in Revenge for that one Lika in the Indian Nation had killed a Spanish Centinell.
When we had the Honour of Coll [William] Bulls Company here we desired him to Communicate to yr Honr our Intention of Enquiring into the Matter which we Judged more Especially necessary at this time being under an equall uncertainty with you, what share Great Brittain may have in the Troubles now subsisting in Europe.
As to what Grounds the people of Augustine have for Complaints the Enclosed will show you that John Barton who was Interpreter for Mr Keey stands Charged with Crimes for which he must answer. We have Advised the trustees of the particulars of this Affair, & have Detained Barton in Expectation of their Orders Concerning a Crime of so high a Nature done in their Service.
As to Mr McKeeys Conduct in the Indian Nation, and Concerning which you say you Expect his Answer to Certain Complaints laid agt him we have Carefully perused his orders which he reced from Mr Oglethorpe And with great Submission are of opinion that his Actions have not been as they are mentioned to be Charged in the Affadavitts & hope that yr Honrs will not very readily Judge him Culpable of what Some Disapointed people are pleased through Malitious Views to Suggest or Swear, neither Suppose him to be Answerable for Misconduct, but to those from whom & in whose Name he is Authorized.
As to the forbiding or denying that benefit which is due to all his Majestys Subjects trading with a free People in Amity with us, we beg leave to Assure you that we have not found he has Attempted Any such thing.
As to the removall of some of the traders who like all the Rest were Lycenced by the Governmt of Carolina we suppose he has given yr Honr his reasons for so doing & yr honr no Doubt is sensible how farr an Additionall Number of Traders was & will be agreeable to the Agreemt you mention with Mr Oglethorpe, and not think he has Cloathed himself with any Authority Contrary thereto which known justice of the Trustees famous for their Christian Generosity and Observance of their word will never suffer.
And because we Conceive that the Complaint which you mention is grounded on such Wittnesses who thro’ greediness of Gain think themselves wrong’d when they are not Suffered to break through those Just Regulations which might be proper for an Agent to make—so humbly hope that you will prevent any transactions that may tend to any breach of Friendship, and not Suffer any Private Interest whatsoever to give the least disturbannce to the Pub. Peace, which we on our parts think is our duty & Interest to preserve & Maintain.
If yr Honr thinks proper to transmitt to us any Complaint for Offences comitted by any one residing in this Colony either under Colour of the trustees orders or Otherwise, we beg leave to Assure you that such Complaints Shall always be Especially enquired into & have their Just weight.
As we Apprehend all Actions done by the Inhabitants of either the two Colonys to the Injury of the Other may be Attended with fatall Consequences And as Such the Agressors justly punished, We hereby Declare that on Our parts we will as in duty bound endeavour to prevent any trespasses on the Just power privileges & possessions of the Trustees or of any of his Majestys Subjects residing here, And Embrace all Opportunity’s of Punishing the Wrongs done by any one here to our Neighbours.
These Sr are the Measures we humbly think will be the truest Int. of both Colonys & therefore are Perswaded that your Honours Commands will be agreeable thereto, And beg leave to Ashure you that the benefitts this Colony have reced from the favours of Carolina shall ever be remembered with the Sincerest Gratitude.
Lt. Gov. Thomas Broughton to the Magistrates of Georgia, July 29, 1735, Charles Town, C.O. 5/638, pp. 273-274, Egmont 14201, pp. 157-160, complaining bitterly of Georgia’s actions in backing Patrick Mackay’s treatment of Carolina Creek traders.
I have reced yr Lre dated at Savanah in Georgia ye 21. Inst. wherein you say that Capn Pat. McKeey [MacKay] has lay’d before you my Lres to him of the 29 of Apl last and of the 4 Inst and has required your Advice with regard to the Sevll Matters therein contained, but I find both in yr Letter and that which I reced from Mr McKeey in Answer to those of mine, that you are all very carefull not to let me know the result of your Councils in those matters I wrote him upon, in relation to the Injurys done and threatned to his Majestys Subjects trading from this Governmt. And that instead thereof, you seem to approve of his Conduct, without having any regard to the Several Informations and Complaints made to me upon Oath, except that you say you have carefully perused his Ordrs from Mr Oglethorpe and therefore without giving any other reason are of Opinion that his Actions have not been as are mentioned to be charged in the Affidavits.
Whatever Instructions or Orders Capn McKeey may pretend to have from the Trustees in General, or Mr Oglethorpe in particular to Justify his proceedings, Yet I am well Inform’d they only are General Terms as to the Trade, and no ways do nor can be presumed or construed to Extend to his Majtys Subjects of this Province trading with a free people in the manner he has done, and that only because they are Lycensed & fitted out by this Governmt.
As I dont expect to have these Disputes Settled between the two Colonys by men of yr Authority, therefore have only further on this Head to refer to my Lre of the 4th Inst to Mr McKeey and to Inform you that—agreeable to our Law, I have with the advice of his Majestys Council Ordr’d the Commissioners Impowr’d by that Law to go into the Creek Nation to regulate the Traders Lycensed from this Governmt, and to see that they are not Injured in their Persons or Propertys. Yet to preserve an Amicable friendship with the Colony of Georgia, he is no ways to Obstruct those fitted and sent from thence, but Since that Gentleman who appears among you as the Head Bayliff or Magistrate has took the Liberty on this Occasion to say in a Contemptuous manner, that he will reinforce Capn McKeey wth 50 or 70 Men to Support his Authority agt any person or power that Shall be sent by this Governmt to trade among those Indians, without enquireing and Considering the matters layed to his Charge. I must observe to that Gentleman that he is unacquainted with the Charter of Georgia and that he takes upon him in a Presumptious manner the Authority of the Militia of that Colony which is altogether by the Charter under the Command and Direction of this Governmt and which I preswade myself the Trustees will never dispute. Therefore to prevent any Military Violence or Hostilitys being Committed agt any of his Majtys Subjects, by the Inadvertances of men acting without Law or Authority in these particulars which the Enemys of both Colonys will take advantage of, I do peremptorily order and Comand all and every the officers now in the province of Georgia, that they do not presume to raise and March any of the Militia of the Province into the Indian Nations without my Special Orders first had except such as shall be raised by the Officer appointed to Erect a Fort and Garrison in the Creek nation, according to an Agreemt Stipulated by this Governmt and they to be Employed only in that Service or Agt the Enemys of our Sovereign, and no ways to Interfere in the Trade.
I cannot but take notice to you how undeserving of Such usage this Province is, from one which now Lyes under such obligations to it. And tho’ a dispute possibly might have arisen on some Privileges not perhaps fully set forth and described in the said Charter, Yet for men of your Degree and Station to take upon you in this unwarrantable and Arbitrary manner to aid and Countenance Cap: McKeey in his Attempts to Engrosse a trade to the Colony of Georgia, exclusive of all others, which his Majty of himselfe never thought fitt to grant by any Deed or Charter to any Single or Corporate Body of men, and what I am well perswaded the Trustees will never lay claim to. I say for you as well as Capn McKeey to Attempt an affair of this Consequence, which if in dispute ought to be done in an Amicable way by the Chiefest Powers of Both Governmts shows to me that you had no design to preserve and cultivate that good understanding which you say ought for ever to Subsist between two Colonys so nearly joyned.
I send you Copy of an Affidt Sworn to before me relating to the Effects belonging to Lauclan McGilvory deced, a Trader among the Creeks, which must convince you of the unjust and unwarrantable Conduct of Mr McKeey in that particular. I also send you Jeremiah Notts affidt Corroborated by the Affidavts of Sevl other Traders, which will prove his Violent and Unjustifiable proceedings in the Creek Nation.
There being as yet no fort Erected in the Creek Nation as Concerted wth the Honble Mr Oglethorpe, I shall with the Advice of his Majtys Council Order the Moneys raised in the Province for that purpose to be detained in the Treasurers hands untill further directions; I shall be Obliged to do the Same in Regard to the Duty Applyed for the better Establishing the Colony of Georgia if I hear the Traders Lycenced by this Province for the Creek Nation meet with any Interuption from Capn McKeey or any other person from your Colony.
Mr McKeey has never thought fitt to Send me a Coppy of the Journals of his Proceedings, tho’ he is Enjoyned so to do by his Instructions, which I require him to Comply with forthwith.
I take notice of the Talk or Complaint of Tomochachi upon a Spaniards being killed by Licka a Creek Indian, and the Mischiefs that afterwards Accrued thereupon and find that Jehu Barton Linguister to Capn McKeey is accused by sd Licka of giving him a Talk to make the Path Bloody between the English and Spaniards and gave him a Gun out of the Store for that purpose. Wherefore you say in your Lre that said Barton stands charged, and you have detained him in Expectation of the Trustees orders concerning that crime, but as you have not thought fit to Lett me know what said Barton has to say in his Justification, or what other proofs you may have agt him, I cannot Judge how far his Detention or Committmt is Warrantable, especially for so long a time as you mention.
Note. There are additional documents in Ms. Vol. XX, dated from February through July 1735. All of these documents are published in Vol. XXI (pp. 3-6, 78-83, 101-102, 165-169) so are omitted here.
1. Robert Johnson was governor of South Carolina 1717-1719 and 1730-1735 (d. May 3, 1735). He was a real friend to Oglethorpe and Georgia in the colony’s early days.
2. Probably James de St. Julian (d. 1746) who was a Carolina surveyor, Indian trader, planter, local official, and assemblyman. Possibly Peter de St. Julian (d. 1752).
3. Jean Pierre Purry was in the process of founding Purrysburg on the South Carolina side of the Savannah River about twenty-five miles above where Savannah would soon be located.
4. Paul Amatis was an Italian silk worker from Piedmont.
5. William Houstoun was the botanist employed by the Trustees to search for plants which might grow in Georgia.
6. Cartagna is a seaport on the northwest coast of present-day Columbia.
7. Probably ipecacuanha, a medicinal tropical South American plant.
8. A modification of the Spanish word capaiba, or an oil from this plant used in soaps and perfumes.
9. A substance similar to benzene.
10. The List of Early Settlers of Georgia reports that Kilbury arrived on the Ann and died on Dec. 9, 1733. The Earl of Egmont in reporting Kilbury’s death identified him as “the most active man we had.” (Diary, II, 55). On July 2, 1735, the Common Council of the Trustees identified him as “late Commander of the Heathcote Sloop in Georgia,” and voted £ 50 to pay his expenses in going to Georgia and for payments to his daughter and wife, evidently in England (CRG, II, 109).
11. Evidently Oglethorpe.
12. Peter Gordon in listing this visit gives the South Carolinian as “Mr. St. Julien, Mr. Whitaker, Major [Nathaniel ?] Barnwell, and Mr. Woodward.” E. Merton Coulter, ed., The Journal of Peter Gordon, 1732-1735 (Athens, 1963). Barnwell is probably correct.
13. Thomas Penn was the son of William Penn and the resident proprietor of Pennsylvania 1732-41. He had probably known Oglethorpe in England.
14. Samuel Parker, a heel maker, was thirty-three when he came to Georgia with his wife and son. He was appointed second constable by the Trustees but died the first July. No record has been found that any of his three friends came to Georgia.
15. Thomas Causton, a calico printer, was forty when he came to Georgia as third bailiff.
16. At Purrysburg.
17. The Reverend Dr. Henry Herbert, the volunteer minister to Georgia, remained only a short time because of poor health. He died June 15, 1733, on his passage back to England.
18. Samuel Eveleigh, a Charles Town merchant and Indian trader, was very interested in Georgia. He extended credit to Oglethorpe and the Trustees, in part hoping for extensive land grants and an Indian trade monopoly in Georgia.
19. John Vanderplank and three other colonists arrived late February or early March on board the Volant, Capt. Edmund Smyter. This was the second ship sent to Georgia by the Trustees.
20. The James, Capt. Yoakley, arrived at Savannah on May 14, the day Oglethorpe wrote, and was the first vessel from England to come up to Savannah and unload there.
21. On this treaty see Georgia Historical Quarterly, IV (1920), 3-16.
22. Lord Carteret did not sell his one-eighth part of Carolina to the king when he bought out the rest of the Carolina proprietors in 1729. In February 1732/3 Carteret deeded his one-eighth interest in the lands between the Savannah and the Altamaha to the Georgia Trustees. Oglethorpe evidently had not been informed of this.
23. This was the Georgia, Capt. Henry Daubuz, owned by the English merchants Peter and John Symonds. She brought eighty-five to ninety new colonists and arrived in Georgia on Aug. 29, 1733.
24. Samuel Grey, aged thirty, was a silk throwster, or manufacturer of silk thread.
25. Joshua Overend’s widow in England.
26. John Warren, a flax dresser, and the father of Georgius Marinus Warren, born on board the Ann on the crossing.
27. Joseph Hughes, a cider merchant aged twenty-eight when he came on the Ann, was storekeeper to the Trust who died Sept. 30, 1733
28. Undoubtedly Hugh or Jonathan Bryan, brothers. Hugh (b. 1699) was in 1735 a member of the South Carolina Commons House of Assembly and appointed to survey the Purrysburg Township. Jonathan (b. 1708) served as a lieutenant in the South Carolina volunteers under Ogelthorpe in the St. Augustine expedition of 1740. He moved to Georgia in 1752.
29. Isaac Chardon was a Charles Town merchant who was to have much dealings with Georgia.
30. Hector de Beaufain of Purrysburg, in South Carolina, was interested in Georgia.
31. Robert Parker, a former alderman of London, arrived on Jan. 14, 1733/4, having been proceeded by a son and daughter. He left Georgia in 1736 after having been contentious about his lands and other things.
32. Evidently Indians along the French coast of the Gulf of Mexico. See John R. Swanton, The Indians of the Southeastern United States (Washington, 1946), 516.
33. Unidentified.
34. Baron Von Pfeil, the consul of Wittenberg at Regensberg (Ratisbon in English) was interested in Moravians settling in Georgia. The proposal which he transmitted by this letter has not been found, but it evidently expressed a desire of Moravians to go to Georgia.
35. Samuel Quincy was the Anglican minister in Savannah, 1733— 1735.
36. Patrick Mackay was appointed by Oglethorpe as agent to the Creek Indians. Already representing South Carolina, he was furnished goods for presents to the Indians by Samuel Eveleigh. Too “pro-Georgia” in his outlook, Mackay stirred up a licensing war with South Carolina over the Creek trade.
37. John Musgrove was in England as interpreter for Tomo-Chi-Chi and the other Indians.
38. Mackay’s troops of rangers, sometimes referred to as an independent company, was authorized by Oglethorpe for service in the Creek country.
39. A periagua (variously spelled) was a small vessel, generally propelled by rowing and poling but sometimes equipped with one or two small sails, used mostly for river and coasting traffic.
40. South Carolina currency.
41. Savannah Town or Fort Moore was a South Carolina Indian trading post on the Carolina side of the Savannah River just below where Augusta would be located. Eveleigh operated a trading store there.
42. Pallachocola or Fort Prince George was a frontier fort on the South Carolina side of the Savannah River about fifteen miles above Ebenezer.
43. Before he left Georgia in 1734, Oglethorpe sent Thomas Jones to convince the Choctaws to trade with Georgia. South Carolina traders, having failed to lure the Choctaws for years, were alarmed at Georgia’s apparent success, especially Patrick Mackay’s claim to licence all traders to the Choctaws from Georgia. See Phinizy Spalding, Oglethorpe in America (Chicago, 1977), 51-55.
44. This garden is the one which Paul Amatis, the Italian silk worker, set up in Charles Town in early 1733 where the first mulberry trees for Georgia were grown. Eveleigh knew this garden, and Amatis did not remove to Savannah until Sept. 8, 1734.
45. Eveleigh’s letter of Aug. 12 above.
46. Thomas Penn of Philadelphia.
47. William Johnson Dalmas was a farmer and former soldier whose passage to Georgia was paid by the Duke of Kent. He was tythingman on Skidaway but died in July 1735.
48. William Bateman, who had come at his own expense, arrived in Georgia Aug. 21, 1734, and was granted seventy-five acres of land on March 13, 1734.
49. Isaac King Clarke was an apothecary who “quitted” Georgia for South Carolina in 1738.
50. William Watkins, a surgeon, had several bouts with the law before he “ran away” in 1737.
51. This figure seems too high for 1734.
52. A reference to Fort Toulouse near the junction of the Coosa and Tallapoosa Rivers in central Alabama.
53. John, Lord Viscount Tyrconnel, was Sir John Brownlow, an M.P. from Lincolnshire, who was elevated to the Irish peerage in 1718. He was one of the original Trustees.
54. No evidence has been found to indicate that the Simpsons ever came to Georgia.
55. John West, a bankrupt blacksmith, came over on the Ann. He was appointed a bailiff in Oct. 1733 but relieved at his own request the next Oct. He was successful as a blacksmith and built the first brickyard in the colony in 1738. The Trustees considered him a good example of what the worthy poor could accomplish. He became ill in the fall of 1738 and died the next summer.
56. Elisha Dobree, from Charles Town, petitioned the Trustees for permission to open an Indian trading post south of the Altamaha. Instead he wound up as a clerk of the Trustees’ store at Frederica until 1739.
57. C. O. 5/636 has a blank here. Egmont 14200 inserts £ 12,500 in the blank.
58. C.O. 5/636 has a blank here. Egmont 14200 inserts £ 27,500 in the blank.
59. Madder was a plant whose roots were used in making red dye.
60. Samuel Montaigut opened a store in Savannah soon after his arrival.
61. The C.O. 5/636 copy of the letter is unsigned and addressed to no one. The Egmont copy says it is from Eveleigh to Oglethorpe. Internal evidence negates Oglethorpe as the recipient. It is evidently Eveleigh’s letter to Gov. Robert Johnson, referred to below pp. 102-103.
62. George Dunbar was captain of the Prince of Wales, the vessel in which Tomo-Chi-Chi and the other Indians returned from England in the winter of 1734.
63. Peter Gordon was the bailiff who drew the plan of Savannah and conducted the colonists on this voyage. John Vat conducted the Salzburgers on this voyage.
64. This reference must be to South Carolina’s Fort King George near the mouth of the Altamaha, burned and abandoned by the end of 1725.
65. Causton to Chardon, Nov. 9, 1734, above p. 103.
66. Not filed with this letter.
67. See William Jefferies to Oglethorpe, Jan. 31, 1735/5, below pp. 209-210.
68. Robert Parker, Jr., was chosen as lieutenant by Oglethorpe. The doctor was named Hirsh, but nothing else is known of him.
69. Woodward to Mackay, Aug. 16, 1734, above p. 72.
70. Not filed with this letter.
71. William Stanhope, Baron Harrington, was Secretary of State for the Northern Department from 1730 to 1742.
72. Horatio or Horace Walpole, the younger brother of Sir Robert Walpole, was Secretary of the Treasury 1715-1717, 1721, ambassador at Paris 1723-1730, and at the Hague 1733-1740.
73. Robert Millar replaced William Houstoun as the Trustees’ botanist after Houstoun died in Jamaica on Aug. 14, 1733.
74. A tropical American herb, the root of which was formerly used as a stimulant tonic and diaphoretic.
75. See footnote 6 above p. 4.
76. Evidently Eveleigh’s letter of Nov. 20, 1734, above pp. 105-108.
77. This letter has not been found.
78. Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, Roman historian and biographer of the second century.
79. None of these are filed with this letter.
80. Lewis Bowen, a bookseller, arrived in Georgia Aug. 29, 1733.
81. Ambrose Vicary, a seaman, arrived in Georgia Dec. 16, 1733.
82. William Wise, a farmer, arrived in Georgia Dec. 16, 1733. He was murdered March 1, 1733/4, by Alice Riley and Richard White, two Irish transport servants, who were hanged for the murder.
83. Robert Potter, an alehouse keeper, came to Georgia at his own expense, arriving Aug. 29, 1733. He received the highest accolade of “an industrious man.” He continued farming and other economic endeavors until his death in March 1740.
84. Otherwise known as Cath Ongy. On the Irish transport servants who arrived in Georgia in late Dec. 1733 or early Jan. 1734 and the troubles they caused, see Sarah B. Gober Temple and Kenneth Coleman, Georgia Journeys (Athens, 1961), 76-82, 124.
85. Evidently a sugar drogher, a type of sailing barge used in the West Indian coastal trade.
86. See note 55 above p. 81.
87. Tomo-Chi-Chi and the other Indians who accompanied Oglethorpe to England in May of 1734 had returned to Savannah on Dec. 28, 1734.
88. This letter was undoubtedly written from Georgia in late 1734 or early 1735. The Egmont copy says “without Date. Dec. 1734.” In his June 3, 1735, letter Parker refers to his letter of Jan. 4, which is undoubtedly this letter. See below p. 372.
89. Captains of vessels which brought settlers to Georgia in 1733.
90. People who came on the Ann in Feb. 1733
91. Arthur Johnston came to Georgia from South Carolina in the summer of 1733.
92. Johnston sold his town lot to Joseph Pavie in 1736, but nothing is known of his success at planting.
93. George Symes was an apothecary fifty-five years of age when he came to Georgia on the Ann. He held a dormant commission to succeed Peter Gordon as first magistrate, but never served in that office. He was dead by 1740.
94. William Calloway was a wine cooper who arrived in Georgia Dec. 28, 1734, and died June 4, 1735.
95. Samuel Pensyre was a surgeon who arrived in Georgia Aug. 28, 1733, and originally settled at Tybee. He removed to Savannah where he died June 12, 1735.
96. Neither the writer nor the recipient has been identified. Samuel Hill evidently never went to Georgia.
97. Thomas Young was a wheelwright of forty-five when he came to Georgia on the Ann. By Georgia standards, he seems to have been fairly successful.
98. Henry Lloyd, aged twenty-one, came on the Ann as a servant to William Cox. He brought his time and had a license in Dec. 1736 to keep a public house. Part of the letter makes little or no sense, evidently because of Lloyd’s lack of formal education.
99. Adrian Loyer, a bookkeeper, was denominated “an industrious man” and had the chief direction of the accounts at the stores under Thomas Causton before he went to Port Royal, South Carolina, in 1739.
100. John Scott was a gunsmith who was twice convicted of selling rum illegally (1736 and 1738) before he “ran away” to South Carolina in March 1738.
101. Probably Thomas Causton.
102. Evidently Peter Gordon, who returned from England late the previous December.
103. Joseph Fitzwalter, a gardner, who came on the Ann, was one of the original constables. He was the first gardner of the Trustees’ Garden in Savannah but differed with Paul Amatis over the garden and was removed in 1735 but later reinstated.
104. Vetches.
105. Foil refers to compound leaves. The plants referred to here were probably clover or similar plants.
106. Where Fitzwalter got his information about Williamsburg is unknown, but it is hardly correct.
107. James Burnside was a writing master who arrived in Georgia in Dec. 1733. The Trustees took no notice of the request in this letter.
108. Elizabeth Stanley, aged thirty-five, and her husband Joseph, aged forty-five, a stockingmaker, came on the Ann. She was the public midwife. Joseph cleared four acres early and became the sexton at Savannah. Elizabeth went to England in 1736 to have her baby and apparently did not return to Georgia. Joseph was in and out of the colony as late as 1756 when he was granted 100 acres of land.
109. Paul Jenys was a South Carolina merchant and planter who received a grant of 500 acres in Georgia on Oct. 2, 1735. The Negroes were some of those borrowed from South Carolina as sawyers and other laborers in the early days of the colony.
110. Andreas Zwifler, an apothecary, acted as the doctor among the Salzburgers.
111. Probably Richard Hughes, a saw maker and blacksmith, who arrived in Dec. 1733 and settled at Abercorn.
112. Mackay to Causton, July 8, 1734, above pp. 60-61.
113. Hamilton to Causton, May 27, 1734, above pp. 52-58.
114. Joseph Smith, a grazier, arrived with a wife and daughter on Dec. 23, 1734.
115. Hugh Frazer, a tailor, arrived in Aug. 1733.
116. Kinds of cloth.
117. Edward Jenkins, a hosier, arrived in Sept. 1733. He was appointed one of the first trustees of orphans in Georgia, an office made necessary by the large number of deaths in July 1733.
118. On Wise’s murder see Christy to Oglethorpe, Dec. 14, 1734, above pp. 125-126.
119. James Willoughby, a peruke maker, arrived in Aug. 1733 and died in Oct. 1734.
120. John Goddard, the son of James and Elizabeth, was nine when he came on the Ann. Both his parents died in July 1733, and John was apprenticed to Joseph Fitzwalter, the gardner.
121. John Milledge, the son of Thomas and Elizabeth, was twelve when his family arrived on the Ann. His father died the first July and his mother in June 1734. He matured early and was a favorite of Oglethorpe’s who helped Milledge begin his military career. He soon became a leading citizen and so continued until his death in 1781.
122. William Little, the son of William and Elizabeth, was two when he came on the Ann. His father died the first July. His mother then married John West, whose wife and child had died in July, but died herself the following September. Mrs. Samuel Mercer (then Mrs. Samuel Parker) took little William at his mother’s death and raised him as one of her own.
123. Probably Dorothy Ryley, who had died in Nov. 1734. Her husband Will had died in Jan. 1733/4. The two boys were John and Will.
124. Charles and Peter Tondee were the orphans of Peter Tondee who arrived in May 1733 and died in July.
125. These men, all lowland Scots, arrived in June and Aug. 1734 and took gentlemen’s grants on the Ogeechee, some thirty miles from Savannah.
126. John Graham, a farmer and tanner, arrived in Aug. 1733. Both his sons soon died and he was fined for having his hat on in court in Sept. 1734.
127. Evidently Governor Robert Johnson of South Carolina.
128. Captain George Dunbar of the Prince of Wales arrived in Savannah on Dec. 27, 1734. At the Trustees’ request, he made a reconnaissance to the southward before returning to England.
129. Toonahowi, Tomo-Chi-Chi’s nephew.
130. A gift from the Duke of Cumberland while the Indians were in England.
131. Thomas Mouse, a clogmaker, arrived in Jan. 1733/4, with a wife and four daughters. His years on Skidoway document the hard life in many of the out settlements, created by Oglethorpe as a part of his defence plan. On the Mouses see Temple and Coleman, Georgia Journeys, 50-56.
132. Legumes.
133. Madder roots were used in the manufacture of dye.
134. See footnote 47 above p. 73.
135. John Musgrove had just returned from England where he had been interpreter for the Indians Oglethorpe took over.
136. James Horner has not been identified, nor is it known to whom the letter was addressed. The letter concerns the first Moravians to come to Georgia. See Adelaide L. Fried, The Moravians in Georgia (Raleigh, N.C., 1905), 47-65.
137. August Gottlieb Spangenberg, a Moravian leader who arranged for the removal to Georgia and led the first contingent, had been a professor of theology at the University of Halle.
138. A group of Swiss settlers for Purrysburg, S.C., who went on the same ship as the Moravians.
139. Tobias Fitch, South Carolina Indian Commissioner 1733— 1742.
140. James Abercromby was attorney general of South Carolina 1731-1732 and 1733-1742.
141. Robert Parker, Jr., arrived Dec. 16, 1733, and like his father and brother objected to many Georgia regulations. Will and Elizabeth Sale arrived March 12, 1733/4. Will had a grant of 300 acres on Skidoway Island but died July 8, 1734. Elizabeth married Robert Parker, Jr., on Sept. 30, 1734. They apparently left Georgia in July 1736 or 1737.
142. Walter Augustine came from South Carolina and got a 500 acre grant Sept. 24, 1735. He had left before Jan. 1738/9.
143. Sir Francis Bathurst, having fallen on hard times in England, arrived on Dec. 28, 1734, with a wife, three daughters, and one son. His wife, Elizabeth, died Aug. 10, 1736; and Sir Francis married Mary Pember, who had come to Georgia as a widow. She died that October and Sir Francis in November.
144. The writers were the ministers to the Salzburgers at Ebenezer, and Newman was the secretary to the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge in London, the backer of the Salzburger removal to Georgia. For more information on the Newman-Salzburger relationship see George Fenwick Jones, ed., Henry Newman’s Salzburger Letterbook (Athens, 1966).
145. This group of sixty-five Salzburgers arrived Dec. 28, 1734, aboard the Prince of Wales, Capt. George Dunbar.
146. Evidently George Bartholomew Roth and his wife Mary Barbara, who in July 1734 had requested permission to return to Germany because he said he could not work the ground at Ebenezer.
147. The Reverend Friedrich Michael Ziegenhagen, chaplain to the royal Lutheran Chapel in London and a channel for German religious affairs in England.
148. Evidently Parker’s letter of the same date to the Trustees, which is the next document in this volume.
149. Francis Percy, or Piercy, a gardner, arrived Dec. 28, 1734. He married Elizabeth, the daughter of Sir Francis Bathurst, Feb. 9, 1734/5, and “ran away” from Georgia in 1738.
150. In London.
151. Arthur Middleton was president of the South Carolina governor’s council 1721-1737 (the year of his death), and had been acting governor 1725-1730.
152. Evidently Hugh Ross, a servant to Will and Hugh Sterling.
153. Mrs. Parker was the widow of William Sale who had died July 8, 1734, and whose goods, for which Parker was trying to get a settlement, are listed below.
154. John Coates, a turner, arrived Dec. 13, 1733. Watkins was undoubtedly Will Watkins, a surgeon, who arrived in Dec. 1733 and had several scrapes with the authorities before he ran away in 1737.
155. Popple was the secretary to the Board of Trade.
156. William Ewen, a basket maker and servant to Thomas Causton at the Trustees’ Store, arrived Dec. 28, 1734.
157. The List of Early Settlers says Mrs. Parker arrived Dec. 28, 1734, but this letter seems to negate this.
158. In South Carolina.
159. On John West see footnote 55 above, p. 81
160. None of the enclosures listed in this letter are filed with it.
161. Evidently Robert Parker Jr’s account, March 3, 1734/5, above pp. 243-244.
162. Henry Parker, a linen draper who had arrived Aug. 29, 1733, became third bailiff in 1734.
163. Peiba has not been identified. King Clark, an apothecary, arrived Dec. 16, 1733. See footnote 154 above, p. 247.
164. A region in south central France, the home of the Albigenses, where Protestants were persecuted from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries, most recently in the War of the Camisards, 1702-1705. The villages of Quissac and Sauve are between Ales and Nimes in the Department of Gard. By the 1730s Germans were settled at New Bern and in the upper Cape Fear valley in North Carolina.
165. This distance is the water distance, not land, which would be about twenty miles.
166. Edward Massey was the captain of the Independent Company stationed at Port Royal, South Carolina.
167. Henry Clark, a farmer, and his wife Anne, arrived June 15, 1733. Anne died the following September and Henry in December. The daughter, named Anne, remained in Georgia until 1740. There were two sons, Henry and Thomas, but nothing is known of what happened to them.
168. Joseph Herrington arrived July 7, 1733, and got a 500 acre grant at Thunderbolt.
169. John Godly, or Godley, was a servant to Joseph Hetherington who arrived July 7, 1733.
170. John and Elizabeth Penrose came on the Ann. Elizabeth kept an unlicensed public house in Savannah which was apparently very popular.
171. Unidentified.
172. A sponsor at baptism.
173. Part of a planned fort.
174. Unidentified.
175. Thomas Wood, Institute of the Laws of England (London, 1720) was a forerunner of Blackstone’s Commentaries.
176. Evidently William Mellichamp, identified in the List of Early Settlers as a “gent.,” arrived in March 1733/4 with his wife, two daughters, and four sons. In 1735 he had troubles with the law for counterfeiting South Carolina currency and for unlawful possession of goods. The counterfeiting is often confused between William and his son Thomas, but the List says both were indicted.
177. These Swiss were not settlers for Georgia but for Purrysburg, S. C. See Diary of the First Earl of Eqmont, II, 142-143, 144, and CRG, II, 86
178. A member of the South Carolina governor’s council.
179. On Fitzwalter’s and Amatis’ argument over which should control the Trustees’ Garden see Temple and Coleman, Georgia Tourneys, 126-134.
180. The List of Early Settlers gives a Will Cooksey as holding Lot No. 9 in Savannah but does not say when he came to Georgia or give any information about his background.
181. Undoubtedly the House of Commons.
182. Governor Robert Johnson died on May 3, 1735.
183. There is no Haselfoot in the List of Early Settlers. There is a Ja. Harlefoot, who might be the person referred to in this letter. He arrived on Aug. 21, 1734, with a grant of 150 acres. On Jan. 16, 1735/6 he was assigned two Trust servants. There is no record of his wife having joined him in Georgia.
184. Evidently the English shipping firm of Peter and J. C. Simond (Symond) which did a good bit of business with the Trustees and sent vessels to Georgia.
185. The Rev. Samuel Urlspergerwas senior Lutheran pastor at Augsburg and the intermediary used by the Salzburgers in going to Georgia.
186. Peter Gordon, the original first bailiff in Georgia, was a thirty-five year old upholsterer when he came on the Ann. He returned to England in November but arrived in Georgia again on Dec. 28, 1734. After two months spent mainly in collecting complaints, he returned to England and wrote this letter. The Trustees took no action on it but undoubtedly enjoined Oglethorpe to investigate more fully when he returned to Georgia in early 1736.
187. Daniel McLachlan (McLaughlan or McLaulan) is identified by the Earl of Egmont as a Scots minister who wrote a pamphlet to prove that whoring was no sin. In April and May 1737 McLachlan, in London, made several appearances before the Trustees with his scheme to bring Highlanders to Georgia. He was questioned about his pamphlet and made a recantation to the Bishop of Rochester and was finally given permission to send over 100 Highlanders at their own expense. Nothing further has been discovered on this matter. See Diary of the First Earl of Egmont, II, 380-405 passim.
188. This letter is in neither C.O. 5/637 or the Egmont Papers. Governor Robert Johnson died on May 3, 1735.
189. Undoubtedly Hugh or William at Sterlings Bluff.
190. Royal Lutheran chaplain in London.
191. Apparently none of the people mentioned in this letter ever came to Georgia. None are in the List of Early Settlers.
192. People from an Austrian Provinne.
193. Traveling expenses.
194. The Egmont reading is Bohemian Brethren here and elsewhere in this letter.
195. This letter in C.O. 5/636 is damaged in several places. The parts of words missing are made up from the Egmont copy. This letter is misdated, considering the fact that it is in answer to Verelst’s letter of May 15, Judging by the other letters received by the Trustees at the same time, it must have been written in late July, perhaps July 28.
196. Not filed with this letter.
197. Judging by the dates of other letters received this date, this letter must have been written in late May 1735.
198. Francis Piercy succeeded Joseph Fitzwalter as public gardner in 1736 and worked in the garden most of 1737 before he left the colony late that year. The Rev. Mr. Forester has not been identified.
199. Cassany or cassana is a yaupon of the genus Ilex. Its leaves were used by the Southeastern Indians in their black drink and it was used by early settlers in that area as a tea substitute.
200. Piercy undoubtedly paints too rosy a picture, especially on the size of Savannah and the amount of silk produced.
201. A West Indian tree used in drug manufacture.
202. This note was evidently added by the recipient.
203. A type of sawn lumber or boards.
204. Undoubtedly the lighthouse upon which work had begun in the fall of 1733 and which was not yet erected.
205. Cussetaws signified Sun. The Sun would have them call’d so. [Note in original manuscript.]
206. By Acct. of French Indians there is a great town there wth. black lips, if any go to kill them they turn mad. [Originial note.]
207. Wahalle, wch. Signified going down or South. [Original note.]
208. Colossa Hutch or Colossa Creek. [Original note.]
209. Cossaws ye Body of ye Tow. [Original note.]
210. Made of ye Bark of Hickorey Tree. [Original note.]
211. Or Striping Sting Creek. [Original note.]
212. Tomo-Chi-Chi and several other Indians were in England from June to late Oct. 1734.
213. Tomo-Chi-Chi’s wife.
214. At wch. they gave a general Shout of Approbation. [Originial note.]
215. Gapen, a farmer, arrived Aug. 29, 1733, was fined twice in court, followed the butcher’s trade, and finally “ran away for debt.”
216. Mrs. Bland, a widow, came to Georgia at the Trustees’ expense. The List of Early Settlers gives no further information on her. Her son, James, is listed as a minor. He belonged to a company settled at Fort Argyle in May 1737 and then is listed as “Ran away.”
217. A seaport on the N. W. coast of Columbia, then a part of the Spanish vice-royalty of New Granada.
218. Plants used in the manufacture of drugs and perfumes.
219. A gardner at Chelsea.
220. A city in the Yucatan peninsula of Mexico.
221. See below p. 482.
222. The talk of June 11 covers this subject, but Causton says below that the Indians did not arrive in Savannah until June 22. The talk is above pp. 381-387.
223. Probably some kind of beans or peas.
224. Dean, a carpenter, arrived Dec. 16, 1733, with a wife, a daughter, and two sons. His servant was Samuel Dean.
225. Undoubtedly deerskins.
226. See above pp. 105-108.
227. Dated April 5, 1735, above pp. 314-315.
228. See above p. 412
229. Not filed with this letter.
230. See above pp. 413-418.
231. Probably early July 1735.
232. None of the papers listed as enclosed are filed with this letter.
233. Walter Fox was thirty-five, single, and a turner when he arrived on the Ann. He got into no trouble with the authorities and was made a tything man in Nov. 1736.
234. William Gough, Jr., arrived in June 1733 with his parents, wife, and a son. His parents died in the summer of 1733 and his son in Dec. His wife would die four days after this letter was written. He had a grant of eighty acres and was made a tythingman in 1736. He is denominated “an idle fellow” in the List who “ran to Carolina” in Dec. 1736.
235. See below pp. 450-451, 456, 469
236. Montagut is listed as a “private Storekeeper” but his date of arrival is not given.
237. John Cundall, according to the List, was fined for scandal in Aug. 1734 and ran away in June 1737. Either 1737 is in error or he left only temporarily in 1735. Earl Piercy Hill was convicted of misprision of treason for his part in the Red String Plot and received sixty lashes in March 1734/5 and ran away.
238. John Musgrove died June 12, 1735.
239. August Gottlieb Spangenberg brought the first transport of Moravians to Georgia, arriving April 16, 1735.
240. For Mrs. Bland’s account of her arrival, see above pp. 393-395.
241. The brother, Robert Millar, was the Trustees’ botanist. See his letter above pp. 395-398.
242. His brother’s quarterly salary payment. The Trustees did order it paid.
243. The idea of Oglethorpe as governor of South Carolina seems to have been discussed in both Carolina and London. It was on Feb. 6, 1736/7, that the Earl of Egmont recorded in his diary that Sir Robert Walpole had asked Oglethorpe if he would accept the governorship. No new governor was appointed until 1743 when James Glen assumed office.
244. None of the enclosures noted are filed with this letter, but some are probably printed above and below.
245. Killed by Indians who were angry because of the actions of Joseph Watson.
246. This would seem to be Lt. Gov. Broughton’s letter of July 29, despite the fact that Causton’s letter was written on July 25. Broughton’s letter is below pp. 490-493.
247. Probably George Cussion’s affidavit of July 19, 1735, below p. 488.
248. Becu arrived March 12, 1733/34, and was assigned a lot in Savannah. He was fined 40 shillings twice in Oct. 1734 for receiving stolen goods. His farm lot was purchased by David Truan, but no date is given. Nothing further is known of him.
249. Society in Scotland for Promoting Christian Knowledge.
250. The List says John Thompson was a block maker who arrived in Dec. 1733. He settled at Abercorn which he quitted in 1736 for Savannah where he died in 1738. He brought a wife and son with him to Georgia.
251. Twenty-one on this list are included in the List of Early Settlers as Salzburgers who arrived in Feb. 1735/6 and settled at Ebenezer. Those not included in the List are No. 10, 11, 18, 19, 23, 26, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, and 34.
252. The building of a lighthouse.
253. No enclosures are filed with this letter.
254. John Burnside, a writing master, arrived in Dec. 1733 but was not granted a lot in Savannah until 1736.
255. Not filed with this letter.
256. This evidently refers to the 1735 renewal of the right to export rice direct to parts of Europe south of Cape Finisterre.
257. Not filed with this letter.
258. Not filed with this letter.
259. This letter and enclosures are printed in CRG XXI, pp. 3-11. Broughton’s enclosures, but not his letter, and other related documents were sent to the Trustees, apparently by Thomas Causton, in October 1735. They are in C.O. 5/637, pp. 258-274. Broughton’s letter and these documents were considered by the Trustees at their meetings of Dec. 13 and 17. The documents not printed in CRG, XXI, are printed herewith.
260. Printed in CRG, XXI, 6-7.
261. Printed in CRG, XXI, 8-9.