Enclosed is a Copy of a Letter I had the honour of Writing to you the 10th of Febry last which I Suppose to be in yor hands long before this Time. Few Days afterwards I was so ill & brought so low that on the 15 of February when Mr Causton Mr [Noble] Jones and Capt [George] Dunbar were here I could hardly Stand upon my Legs; which Weakness continued for Several weeks. But upon taking proper Medicines of Mr [Andreas] Zwiffler and recovering of Some strength altho the Defluction upon my Eyes held on, I resolved abot Easter to leave this Place and to return to England. Which Resolution however I since altered upon a Rumour of some Motions of the Indians in the Spanish Interest; and I am thinking of continuing to be here, till I shall hear of the Final Resolution of the Trustees for Georgia concerning the present Settlement of the Saltzburgers. For should the people be obliged to Settle in this barren place, I could but with the greatest Grief behold the Misery that must inevitably Attend them. The Experiments we have made this Spring evidently confirm the opinion, and the dismall accounts given by every Body concerning Pine barren Lands! For all the Seeds, we had from the Trustees, were Sowed in due time, and most of them came forth plentifully to ye great Joy of the People; but there being no Substance in the Ground of Sand hardly any of them are coming to any Seed. The Kidney and Sandwich Beans will Scarcely yield one pint for Sowing next Spring; And the Indian Corn which the people have planted here and there every week Since the beginning of Febry last giveth but a very Small prospect there being only here and there a fine Plant coming up. Yet Mr Causton, who together with Several persons hath been here Thrice within these Three months, magnifieth a Small Spot of Ground of abot Twenty feet Square in the midst of an inclosure of half an acre near Guhwandel’s [Thomas Geschwandel] house where Some Cattle Stood for some months and thence concludes that by a Small Stock of Cattle this Soil may be improv’d so as to produce plentifully hereafter and crieth this place up as the best Land in all the Province.
It even Seems by his actings, that he is fully bent upon the Continuance of the Settlement in this place. For on the 14. of Febry last he sent hither two Men for Sawing of Boards, for Finishing the Six houses ordered by Mr Oglethorpe to be built here; one of them viz. Mr [John Martin] Bolzius’s being finished. Two others viz. the Storehouse, and the Schoolmasters joining together are so wretchedly Slight, that by making one Single Step, both houses shake so as to be in danger of falling to the Ground; and upon any Rain I am forced to Shift my Bed, in one of the Rooms therein, occupied by myself and three Families besides. And the Frames of the Three others now Standing naked are so bad, that I wonder how any one Shall be prevail’d on, to occupy them when they shall be covered and boarded. These Sawyers have Sawed no more than 159 Boards & have left off working; But Mr Causton Saith he will Send other Sawyers to finish the sd Houses.
Upon the return of some of our Men from Savannah, the Women resolved to Clear Some Ground by themselves for Gardens. The Single men took thereby Occasion to do the like. And then on ye 3d of March the Men began jointly to clear a Spot of Ground which hath been Since fenced in & planted with Indian Corn & Pease. On the 8th of March, hearing of some disturbances at Savannah, We began the building of a Block Watch house, 28 feet in Length & 18 feet in Breadth; which is now made use of as a Church & School, as also as a Warehouse. And we afterwards built a Bridge over the River in this Town, & another Bridge over a Small Swamp, in going hence to the landing place, in order to bring thence our Provisions, partly upon our Backs or by a Small Waggon. Whilst the Waters are so low that no Boat could be of any Service Since the 16. of April last to this Time. And this is like to be so all this Summer. On the 15th of April last I went to Savannah & prevail’d wth Mr Causton for Sending us provisions for Six months. He agreed wth Mr Mamour to bring part of them in his Periawgoe to the Landing, but Mamour cou’d come no higher than within Two miles of ye Mouth of Ebenezer River. From thence we carried them in our own Small Boat to the Landing. As about Forty bushels of Indian Corn were Scatter’d loose in the Periawgoe, & some Hogs & pigs lying among it, which our people cannot eat, for its Nastiness. And as there was Six inches of a Cask of Wine of Twenty Six inches Deep Sent by another Boat wanting, I desired Mr Causton to buy a proper Boat for our carrying our own provisions. That Periawgoe employ’d 12 days in coming from Savannah Town to the Mouth of our River; And one Mr Guthry hath since made Two trips in five days each, wth part of our provisions from Savannah Town to our Landing place; For which he is to have forty pounds currency and Mamour, 30 besides the wages of five Men at Eighteen pence a day each. This shews that ye Charges of Carrying down, or bringing up, anything will for Ever keep our People in a very low State, even were the Soil as good as some People wou’d have it! And I cannot see how the poor people will get any thing for procuring Linnen & Shoes, of which they are now in great Want; Not to mention many other necessaries, as Earthen ware & other Utensils for the Kitchen. I cou’d Wish the Society [S.P.C.K.] had given Orders for one Hand Saw to each Freeholder instead of having but Eight for All; also some large Coppers for boiling of Beer the River water being very bad especially in Summer! We indeed very Lately upon Searching for a Vein of Water and fixing a Rice Cask, found a very fine and Strong Spring; But in this great drowth it runs so very Small, that its apprehended it will Soon be dried up.
It is very observable that hitherto all our Child bearing Women are delivered of their Children before their full Growth, and that most of the Women died; And the former happen’d to Mrs Smith, an Englishwoman, who lately Miscarried in this town, So that such of our Women as are now pregnant are in deadly apprehensions that ye present Soil is pernicious both to the Growth of Children & Seeds; The List of such as died Since we are here is as followeth;
As the Bread kind Provisions of 6. Pounds a week per head will not admit baking of Bread, its Supposed the want of Bread is of no small Detriment to the health of our People who were used thereto from their tender years. We have no Ovens, but some of us bake Bread in our large Iron pots; Which is very tedious, as well as our Grinding of Corn with small Iron hand Mills, almost good for nothing. Some Mill Stones of a Midling Size wou’d be very usefull as also some fishing Tackle for Catching fish. As Sebastian Glantz who died at Purysburg without a Will, and no relations here left some small Matter, I desire to know the Pleasure of the Trustees concerning his effects; Mr Bolzius being of opinion for dividing of them to the poorer Sort of his Congregation; which may be attended wth some difficulties. But my opinion is for Selling of them to the highest bidder & for Lodging the produce thereof in Mr Bolzius’s hands.
Capt Dunbar, hath as I doubt not, by this Time given you an Account of our Voyage, & of the Scituation of this place. And, I hope, a faithful Representation of ye Nature of the Soil thereof. As in the account of the Stores put on Board the prince of Wales, mention is made of a Box of medicines Shipped by Mr [Henry] Newman, but cou’d find no such Box. We Suppose a Trunk of Medicines B. G. No 5. which Mr Zwiffler has reced, is meant thereby. The Barrel of Molasses was so Slight that it was broke at Sea & tho’ we Shifted the Molasses into another Cask, Yet we Saved only Fifty four quarts thereof, when we received it here. Capt [William] Tompson as also Mr [John] West will, doubtless give you a faithfull account of ye barrenness of this place, as having both been here. And I Submit it to the Consideration of ye Society whether in Case the People are moved hence to a better Soil.
They [the Society] will be so kind as to Send the following particulars? Vizt Some Sand hour Glasses; Tin-Funnels; Pewter Quarts, Pints & half-pints, for measuring Wine & beer; Bushels, half Bushels, Pecks &ca for measuring Corn &c.; Divers Sorts of Ropes; Some Small Scales of abt 18. Inches Diameter and brass weights, Gold Scales & Weights for weighing Small Things; Divers Sorts of Iron Wires; One midling Sized Bell for ringing to church & publick work; Some Joiners Glew; Flannels for night wastcoats; Some great Guns for Alarm & Defence; Blacksmiths tools; Some Coopers tools for making of pails & Casks; & large Bellows; Tin plates; Seives of several Sizes and Turner’s Tools. But every Thing is to be pack’d up, for the Sailors broke three of the four Lanthorns Sent on Board the Prince of Wales, and they took Several of the Bedding Blankets which we cou’d never See again.
When I was last at Savannah, I went Several Times to Mr [August] Spangenberg’s Five acres Lot, to See his Men, who Seem to be very Industrious at Work. I could wish the Soil of Ogeechee, wch is design’d for Count Zinzendorff may be as good as that within two Miles of Savannah Town. For I look upon the beginning of a Settlemt as upon ye foundation of houses; unless these be Solid in themselves the Superstructure must in course be affected. And that a Soil to be made good by Dung is an undertaking too precarious for poor Husbandmen, and not so easily to be done as some persons wou’d persuade others who know the Consequences thereof by Experience.
And it is no Small discouragement to our Saltzburghers that they do not yet know their respective Lot, altho’ in the printed accounts published in Germany, they had promises of having immediately at their arrival here their Portions of Land assigned to them. And in this the Reputation of the Revd Mr Senior Urlsperger, and Some of the chief Magistrates at Augsburg is highly concerned. For it was upon their Publickly appearing in the Affair, that these Innocent People ventured their All, in Leaving their Services in good Families; and the Roman Catholics of that Town will not be wanting in Insults for Sending People into Such a Desart, where in Two years they cannot reap the Corn or Seed they Sowed. Some People here indeed lay the fault upon the unseasonable coming of the first Saltzburghers into this Country & upon their not knowing the manner of Sowing & planting therein; Likewise upon the Extraordinary Heats of this Spring almost without any Rain. Next year perhaps the Fault will be laid upon the rainy Season. But I am fully persuaded and Convinced That the Real Cause of its not Producing is in the foundation of the Soil as being Sandy without any Cohesion of Particles. This Seems to be the Reason, that Pine Trees wholly consumed & burnt, leave no Manner of Ashes but only Sandy Particles; and pine Trees cut, & thrown down and Lying on the Ground for one year, are generally decayed & rotten as if they had been Twenty Years before on the Ground.
As to the Cattle they do indeed at present Look very well, but it is quite the reverse in the heats of the Summer & Dead of the Winter being oblig’d to range a great Way off for getting their Subsistance in Swamps or Cane Lands, The Grass being too rank & sour. The old Saltzburghers did not See their Cattle all last Winter; and of thirty heads of Cattle given them Last year, they have now but five Cows that casted their Calves this Spring the others being either wild or Lost. At the Latter end of february Last Mr Causton Sent Twelve Hogs to Abercorn for the new Saltzburghers; one of them died in bringing it hither, Two of them broke loose from the Ropes, and are Lost, and after having kept the others Several weeks in a Stye Three of them likewise run away & have not since been seen.
Mr Causton has given Us Six Bushels & a half of rough Rice for Sowing in Some of our Swamps, which are now quite dry. We are very glad of trying every Thing and are now preparing a proper Place for that purpose; But I apprehend that the Success thereof will be no better than with the Indian Corn. For its to be observed, that in Carolina the Negroes as the only proper Planters thereof are made use of, & that whenever white People are employed in that way of working, they die Like flies, as being unable to endure the Waters in such Swamps, much Less the heats of the greatest part of the Day in Summer Time. The Clearing of such Swamps being more difficult & laborious, than the dry Land, be it never so much overrun with Large or Small Wood of any kind; and considering that these people were born & bred in high and Rocky Lands, which are as different from the nature of those here, as the Day is from the night. Some knowing People say, It would be better to Shoot the People at once, than to put them into such a Way of Planting!
Mr Bolzius hath taken a Memorandum of such Demands as some of our People have to make in the Archbishoprick of Salztburg or of some of their Countrymen, who are gone into Prussia. The attempting of getting them in is, as I humbly conceive, a Work to be recommended by the Crown of Great Britain. Moreover should the Trustees think fit to remove hence these Industrious & worthy People, I should notwithstanding the Indisposition upon my Eyes, be inclined to assist them in a New Settlemt till next Spring; and in that Case, I hope the Society will give proper Instructions for my Support; for I receive from the Stores no more than any other Man, unless when I am at Savannah, Mr Causton & his Lady over heap me wth Goodness & Civility, and I am constantly troublesome to them.
Patrick Tailfer and others to the Trustees, undated,197 [Georgia], received Aug. 27, 1735, Egmont 14201, pp. 173-176, concerning their need for Negroes if they are to succeed in Georgia.
We whose Names are underwritten beg Leave to lay the ensuing Particulars before You.
We all having Land in your Colony of Georgia and having come here chiefly with a Design to Settle upon and improve our Land, find that it is next to an impossibility to do it without the Use of Negroes; For in the first place, most part of our white Servants not being used to so hot a Climate can’t bear the Scorching Rays of the Sun in the Summer when they are at Work in the Woods, without falling into Distempers which render them useless for almost one half of the Year. Secondly, There is a great Deal of Difference betwixt the Expence of white Servants & of Negroes, for Negroes can endure this Climate almost without any Cloaths only a Cap, Jacket and pair of Trowsers made of some coarse Woollen Stuff in the Winter & one pair of Shoes; whereas white Men must be cloathed as Europeans and proportionable to the Season all the Year throughout. And then as to their Diet, the Charge of maintaining Negroes is much less than of white Men, for the first live in good Plight and Health upon Salt [meat ?], Indian Corn and Potatoes which they raise themselves with no Expence to the Master but the Seed and have nothing to drink but Water; whereas white Men must be fed with Flesh Meat, Bread and other Victuals Suitable to the European Diet which they have been used to and bred up with from their Infancy, and must likewise have Beer or other strong Liquors in due Quantities for their Drink otherwise they turn feeble and languid and are not capable to perform their Work. Thirdly, There are a great many Disadvantages attend the Use of white Servants here which do not Negroes, for we have white Servants only for a short time being generally indented for four or at most five Years one of which at least is lost by their frequent Sickness, and so many hours Rest from their Work which they must have every Day especially in the Summer, & when their Indentures are expired we must either go to Britain and engage others or be obliged to take a Parcel of harden’d abandoned Wretches perfectly Skill’d in all manner of Villany, and who have been transported their Country for committing Crimes by which they have been deemed too dangerous to be allowed to Stay there. The first of these is not practicable upon Account of the vast Expence that would attend it, and the Consequences of the second would be that we could put no manner of Trust in our Servants; nay let us take all possible Care we could, they would be continually Stealing and Imbezzling our Goods; and which is of a worse Consequence, forming Plots and treasonable Designs against the Colony, of both which we have had repeated Signal Instances lately in the few Transports who are already here. Another great Disadvantage is their frequent running away which they have much more opportunity of doing than Negroes, for there is no Law as yet made to take up white People who are travelling, nor could it easily be distinguished whether they were Servants or not; whereas Negroes would always be known and taken into Custody unless they could produce a Certificate from their Master. Indeed we should be much safer with our white Servants if our Neighbours in Carolina, instead of encouraging and Skreening them when they make their Escape to their Settlements as we have had several Instances of lately, would be so good as to assist us in securing and bringing them back; but from what reason it proceeds we don’t know, the Major part of them have hitherto shewn and do still shew a very strong Resentment against this place.
A great many other Inconveniences might be mentioned but we hope these already expressed will be sufficient, and that your Honours will be pleased to take them into Consideration.
We do not propose to employ Negroes in any Mechanick Business but only in cutting down Trees and Stumps, howing, trenching and fencing the Ground and all other ways of clearing the Land, making Turpentine and Tar, beating of Rice &c. So that we should still use our white Servants in all Handicraft Trades, making of Vineyards, raising of Mulberry Trees, taking Care of the Silkworms and winding the Silk, raising Flax and Hemp &c. whereby we should not only have our Land speedily cleared, but likewise in the mean time be raising a Produce fit for Exportation, which by encouraging Ships to come here would very much conduce to the flourishing of the Colony. One of the chief Disadvantages supposed to attend Negroes in other Colonies is their great Number but this we are convinced Your Prudence would obviate by limiting the Number, as so many for each white Servant or so many for such a Quantity of Ground or any other way which You should think proper. An Objection may be made, that having but little Money amonst Us and not as yet raised a sufficient Produce we should not be capable to purchase Negroes; but that is soon removed when we consider that the Negroe Merchants always give Credit until the ensuing Crop, and if that does not answer until the next again only paying so much Interest; So that in Effect there is scarce any Expence in purchasing Negroes, but their Provision till they raise it themselves; and if once they were allowed we should very soon have them sent here to be disposed of. But whether or not it would be more for the Good of the Colony if your Honours should think proper to Send a Ship loaded with Negroes and take our Produce in Return as the Merchants do, we don’t know. However be that as it will we are sure that as soon as Negroes are allowed every Person will be encouraged to clear and plant their Land, and until that is done it seems very improbable that this Colony should answer any End. We have only one thing more to add which is that it seems impossible to raise any Quantity or Produce with white Servants only, and even if it should be done we could not dispose of it because our Neighbours in Carolina would always undersell us, having their Work so very much cheaper than ours.
We had almost forgot to mention one thing which very much increases the Expence of white Servants, namely their Wages, for all our British Money allowed them yearly besides their Meat Drink and Cloaths. What we have wrote we have Reason to believe is agreable to the Sentiments of the People of this Colony in General, and we hope will appear reasonable to Your Honours.
Francis Piercy198 to an unidentified noble (probably the Earl of Egmont) and the Rev. Mr. Forester, June 1, 1735, Georgia, Egmont 14200, pp. 623-626, concerning conditions in Georgia, especially plants which will grow there.
My Honourable Lord, and Worthy Sir
Having now an opportunity to let your Lordship and you Mr. Forester hear from me and from Georgia I hope my letter shall find both you and my Lord and Lady in good health, as I thank God I am at this present.
I have sent my Lord Some tea which grows here in the Collony, and which the Indians call Casseny Tea.199 It is very wholsom and good to cure the gout, and my Lord being Subject to it I have some for his Lordship to try if it do him any good, and he please to send to me by any Ship that Comes to Georgia or to Charlestown, I will send his Lordship as much as he pleased for his own use, for it is very wholsom for any body else as well as those that have the gout, and the Indian king told me himself that it is the only cure for it he ever could meet with and that he had tryed many ways but none could do but this. How I came to know this, was My Wife and Sr. Francis Bathurst and his Lady were walking, and Sr. Francis being lame, the King asked him what was the matter. Sr. Francis answerd that he and all his Forefathers had the gout. So then the King told him that this Casseny Tea was the only thing for it and the wholsomest That any body could drink for the preserving their health, and Sr. Francis declares it is the only thing he ever tryed. Now all the Gentry of the Town drink it frequently, and I find that it does me more good than when I drank Rum. For now I am marry’d, instead of drinking Rum in a morning, I drink tea with my Wife, and by the advice of my Wife and Father and Mother in Law, (Sr. Francis and my Lady) I have left of drinking quite, and I thank God live very happy and loving with my wife, and all the Gentry in the town respect me very well, and more on account of marrying Sr. Francis Bathurst’s daughter. I may thank you Mr. Forester for this, and so I do, for I want for nothing I thank God. So now I hope that God has pleased to place me in the mouth of Fortune, and as for my Unkle he was very good to me in money and goods and advancing my Fortune considerably more than I thought he would. I am with Sr. Francis at present till his house is built, for the Builders and Brick makers cannot make and build fast enough for the Inhabitance of the place, people coming from all parts of America as well as from England.
Trading and planting goes on very fast, and the Town of Savannah is so large, that from fourty houses there are now almost four hundred, besides hutts, for the town is a mile long and so much wide and it is almost built. There is a great deal of Silk made and the name of it fills the Colloney so full that if it goes on so for 7 years it will be the largest City or town in all the Continent of America.200
The Product of the Country is at present some Silk and Pitch and tar, and corn and pease and Cattle for we have more than two thousand head already. Our Oranges come on finely but as for our vines they are Scorched so much by the dry weather, that there will be no wine made this year at all; but I hope in two or three years more to send you Something of my own raising; for I have got planted this year Some Coffee & coco Nutts that they say is the right Chocalet, and Nisick Nutts, and lignum vita,201 & more Sorts of things, & ginger, besides more of the East & West India Kinds of things for we have almost every thing of that kind, but we have not got the Nutmeg tree, & we want to get that if we could for the heat will bring them as well here as where they grow. Now I come to give you a true Account of how many towns there are in the Colony besides the City of Savannah as we call it here. Here is a place at the mouth of the Sea call’d Tybee, then we go up the River to fort Arguile, Thunderbolt and come to the City of Savannah. Go still up the river & the next is Hampton Court where the Indian Kings Palace is and his Cowpen; west [torn] Battery, Abercorn, Mill bluff, Ebenezar, Purysburgh, Pallychacolas & Skidway So we have in all 15 Towns in Georgia but Savannah is the head town among them all.
I beg you wont expose my bad writing an Spelling, and one thing is very Scarce and that is pens Ink paper and Sealing wax. This from your ever dutyfull servant to command.
I Still remember frippon.
NB. Purysburg belongs not to our Colony and he has omited Hampstead and High Gate.202
Jaques Richard to James Oglethorpe, June 3, 1735, Purrysburg, C.O. 5/637, pp. 80-81, requesting a military post under Oglethorpe. Translated from the original French.
I have learned with much joy of the largesse which Parliament has given to your colony, which will contribute much to the safety of the country, and I take great interest in everything that concerns the welfare of your colony of which you are the founder. Permit me, Sir, to congratulate you and to pray that you will continue to me the honour of your protection while you go to establish forts in divers places along the frontier of our neighbours. I think that you are also establishing troops there to guard them, in which case I hope that you, of your goodness, will not forget to procure me something that will give me a living. Charmed with being under your command I will always use my effort to render myself worthy of it. You know, Sir, my capacity, I dare to flatter myself, on the occasions when you wished to render me service. I should be very much obliged to you for my fortune, which I would never forget during my life. I await from you this favour and that of Mr Croire.
[P.S.] We have here Mr Bernard, an ingenious man, very skillful, and the very one to undertake this kind of work.
Robert Parker to Robert Hucks, June 3, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, p. 304, concerning his financial troubles, the bad magistrates in Georgia, and the case of Joseph Watson.
I beg youll be so good to deliver the Inclosd to ye Honl Trustees. I presume Sr Hans Sloane is one. My Case I think is exceeding harde and as follows I refer you to my Letters I did myselfe the Honour of Wrighting a Month or two agoe. I had then all the pleasing prospeht I could hope for or desire having brought my Workes to a conclusion, and performed every Thing that I had proposd to myselfe wch in all respehts answered the desired ende, all but 2 or 3 days Workes when ever the River should fall the materialls for that purpose being provided. The Mill by her sawing would have Daily brought me in Four or Five pound Stirling—and by an other addition upon the same Workes might have doobled that Proffitt, not be selling the Deals203 or stuff in furnishing this Province but in Supplying the Suger Islands with all Materialls for Building and the returnes to be made from thence. And the great quantitys of fine Clear Deals that might been sent for England and Sold to an Extraordinary price, wch with the Situation I have mentioned I would a made it one of the finest & most Valuable Plantations In America. All this after bringing it to so great Perfection is Ruined and overturned at once by the Villany of the Present Magistrates of this place. I neede not enlarge upon the perticulers. I presume Mr [Peter] Gorden has related Enough of yr Actions, and the Letters sent by him are so many Vouchers. Mr [Paul] Ametis that was to propigate the Silke Manufacture is drove off by the same means and so many extraordinary things Daily Happen. There never was a greater Scene of Male Administration. As to myselfe I must referr my consernes to you and the rest of the Honourable Board. I am Assured you wont suffer me to be a looser in any advantages I might properly a made, nor can I afforde it. I have a Wife and Eleven Children equally claimants that are Injured with me therefore I hope the Gentlemen has consented to disscharge a Bill for £ 40 St to Mr Rodolph Nutman wch I advised on the 13th Feb and that they will be so good to discharge one or Two Hundred Pounds more that I shall be necessitated to Valve while things can be setled. If I had had no Interuption I could a remitted over by this a much larger sum. I am hertily sorey things should have taken so unluckey a Turne but there is no helpe now but from some Vigerous Proseedings of yours to set things again upon a Steady Foundation. I may say at Present All her Foundations are out of Cource.
[P. S.] Plese to give my Duty to Sr Robert Walpole. I shall do myselfe the Honour to Wright to him the Next Opertunity.
I had Wrote to you the Hon Trustee &c by Capt [George] Dunbar but my Papers being sent before to Charles Towne for feare of the Fate of divers others, Private Houses being strichly searched for feare of advising you or letting you into the Truth of things they still lye there.
P. S. I beg youll plese to reade over my Letter to ye Hon Trustees before you deliver it. In the Case of Capt [Joseph] Watson is worth your Consideration; we are apprehencive his Accusers has urged things against him that may even affect his life if his Close Confinement dont do it. He will Die Guiltless of the Accusation that wont say he has been the most prudent Man, but God forbid this Colloney should have give itts Cement in so unjust an Action. The Jury nor any conserned ever dremt it would bee represented in the light Mr Causton has Put it in, sure so much Wickedness was never before heapt up in one Man. Pray God sende a speady remedy or all will breake out into Confusion.
Robert Parker to the Trustees, June 3, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 307-308, concerning his mill, Causton as a bad magistrate, and the troubles in Georgia.
I did myselfe the Honour to wright to you Jan ye 4th & Feb 15th wch I hope came safe to hande to wch I beg refference. I there gave you an Acct of the state of some part of the Colloney, also a Pleasing relation of the state of my Mill to what a near Perfection I had then brought the Workes to and Delighting in the Situation I craved of Your Honours such a Tract of Land as might be of service to my Large Familey I intended to have about me. I pleasd myselfe with the Hopes of your ready complyance and that in a very little time I might a had (taking everything together) a Plantation that would have emulated with any for Beauty & Proffitt in these parts of the Worlde. I am assured itts what would been highly acceptable to you as being the Fruites of your Laudable Undertaking. I wrote for Capt [George] Dunbar to come before his departure and View my Workes comparing them wth the Drafts I intended to sende by him wch according he did. Mr [William] Furguson Mat of ye Scout Boate came with the same purpose and I presume gave yr Honours an Acct how things was caried on. We have sawn out some quantity of Boards a Sample of wch I sent down per Furgison to go per Capt Dunbar, and was going myselfe for Charles Towne to Negotiate some Bills of Exchange, the moneys advanst me by Mr Oglethorpe and what remittances I had made me coming short of the exspence I have been at, my Workes being near four Times as much as what I proposd to Mr Oglethorpe. I had two or three Days Workes to do, when the Waters Fell, wch has been high all the Winter hindred me from earning of £ 150 or £ 200 St. By the time I exspehted to come from Charles Towne I supposed the Waters might be fallen wch accordingly hapned, and have been low ever since that my Workes might a Month before this been fully compleated and since that time the Mill would have earnt me £ 100 Sterling and for every Month I am hindred from working I loose One hundred Pounds Stirling. But coming down to Savanah insteed of meeting with the Kinde reception and Incouridgment I thought I had highly merrited, I was stopt and Arrested from going off the Bluff by a Warrant from the Majestrates for two Trifling Debts and to answer to such things as the Court should alledge against me. Mr Causton might and ought to payd and disscharged the Debts of any Kinde, he having about this time 12 month to serve the Use of the Colloney taken from me a lott in Towne with all the Improvements I had made upon it, and given it another Person, without making me any maner of retalliation in one kinde or other. The severell soarts of ill usage together with my Stopage as thretning to burne down and destroy my Workes and a Thousd other Affronts and and ill usage has made me with draw my Son and the People I had there and tho a month before I would not accepted of 1000 nor 1500 Guineas I now come to fling myself upon Your Honours for a due satisfaction. I presume youll have Mr [Peter] Gorden with you. Mr [Paul] Amatis with his complaints and divers others unable to beare with the Injurious Treatment to all those that wont come into Caustons ill and Pernicious measures will thin the Colloney, and it is owing to the Veneration they have to your Honourable Selves and Laudable undertaking that has kept them within Bounds. Almost every Day brings some Exstravigence or other Shocking to considerate People and was things set in a Cleare light they would meete with a ready redress.
Your orders was read Yesterday in the Case of Capt [Joseph] Watson. I hope before this time the Authentick Acctts sent by the Revd Mr [Samuel] Quincey and others are arrived and you se things in a diferent light to what Produst that Order wch hope will be a motive for you to recall the same. Confinement to a Mans own Roome heare wth Winders & Dores Nailed Down as in Capt Watsons case in so hot a Country may be lookt upon as a Sure tho not a suden Death. Itts the opinion of most People he deserves no such usage but on the Contrary these things are trumpt upon him purely to defraude him of his Just Right in his Partnership. We know how Jewreys [juries] are managed hear and what dirty worke they have been made to do. There never was a Colloney so truely Misserable as this will be should things want a redress for a little time longer nor more markes of Tyany and Slaverey to be produst.
What I hav wrote I know is Shocking to your Generous Mindes and farr different from what you desire to be entertained with. I wish I could dwell upon a pleasanter Theame. My Duty Oblidges me to speake Truth, the Good of Mankinde has been as much in my View as other peoples according to my Ability I pray God Almighty to direht you for the Best.
[P.S.] Inclosd I sende your Honours a true Draft of my Workes wch will be attested by Capt Dunbar who compared them when up at the Mill. I have performed what ever I advanst or purposd wch answers to my content and am in Hopes will meett with Your Honours Approbation. I am not unsensable how it will be on the other Hande represented to you by Mr Cawston. Hee has dun the same in respeht to the Pare Saltzburgers wch is as falce as the other, all knowing men agreeing the Cituation they are at, is a most wretched place, wch will Foyle all yr Industry.
Anonymous to [the Earl of Egmont], June 5, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, pp. 83-84, Egmont 14200, pp. 627-630, containing complaints against Thomas Causton.
Your Generous Endeavours for the Publick Good and the many Christian Vertues that adorn your Person are two great reasons for Laying at yor Lordships Feet in the most Humble manner the Grievances of the Colony.
1st. That the Storekeeper & Superindendant Should at the Same time be Chief Bailiff prevents redress in ye Court of Justice for any reasonable Complaint relating to the Store or Public Works
2dly. That his Power is so great in relation to Publick Works & othr Affairrs that he may Byass the Jury and others.
It is the Oppinion even of his Friends that one of those Employ is Enough to take up all his Time and that both is more than he Can menage.
3dly. That if the Jury does not bring a Verdict pleasing to him they are Called Traytors &c.
If it be in Actions of Debts or Accounts, that the Party who Loose ye Cause may Appeal to Chancery of wch he is Judge & can do there without a Jury. So that if a Cause goes contrary to his Will by Commor Law it is needless to ye Person who gets the Cause Since the Same Judge as Chancellor may Alter ye Sentence as he pleases.
4tly. That he being a Lawyer he tells ye Jury the Law is So & So none of them being Lawyers, or Understanding in the Law knows not Whether he Says true or no. & no other Lawyer being allowed to Oppose Arguments has Certainly great advantages in Causes wherever he is Prosecutor & Judge.
There is one thing we very much desire to know how many Jurymen may be Challenged without giving any reason for it, & how many with Strong reasons for So doing. Anothr we also desire to know whether we may not Appeal to yor Honrs in all Cases.
It has been said on the Bench that we must Suffer first before we Can Appeal, that is bear the Punishment Fine or pay a Debt before we Can Appeal. If So what Recompense for a Corporal Punishment or for a debt paid to a Person who is a Stranger & does not reside here.
5th. That in difficult Cases often a Special Jury is Called ye Majority of wch are Freemasons. Wch have often been Challenged but as no othr reasons Could be alledgd agt them but their being Free Masons ye Court has ruld the Objection.
6th. That People Houses are Searched & their Papers Examined to See if any Complain to the Hone The Trustees. That tis Dangerous to write from hence So tis one of ye greatest difficulties to know how to Send a Lettr Safe to any friend in England or to receive any from thence without Danger of being Open’d, wch the People here Look as a great hardship—& ye more Since they know if a Certain person here finds they write anything that Displeases him they are Sure of his Frowns & their Ruin if he can pick a hole in their Coat, for he is Noted for Severities & Revenges to ye Uttermost but not for one Sole Generous good Action. From an Evil Tree no good Fruit Can be Expected.
The Intended Tryal of Lieut Parson of Port Royal was thus, but he hearing of it made his Escape. The hangman to be his Judge 12 Transports Servants Jurymen & then Toss’d in a Blanket & by Force his Papers taken from him. Wch Some people Say was Executing Justice without a Legal Court or a Legal Jury & on one of His Majesties Officers.
The Tryal of Savy of Carolina. The B [Bailiff ?] Saying now he was glad that he had an Opportunity to Punish a Carolinean. The Punishment was to be Pilloryd. The Jury desird his Sentence might be Moderated wch Alterd Imediatly The Severity dessignd.
Objections against ye Administration of a Certain Bayliff &c.
The Tybee Affairr204 has Cost already near Fifteen hundred Pounds Sterling, & hardly any thing to be Seen for it to the Amazement of ye Freeholders here & Shews how Carefull & Saving the Publick Money ought for the future to be taken Care.
The Stinking Meat Bury’d; the othr Provissions Wasted & Damaged.
His Account of the Receipts and Issuing of the Provissions from the Store ought to be thoroughly Examined & he obliged to produce his Vouchers for ye Same. Tis a matter of great Concern & deserve to be Enquired into, those that know how they Stand might Say more than I do. A thorough Examination will Shew whethr he deserve ye Character of a Just Steward.
I Shall pass over Whipping & Ducking those that have Asked him for Money & other Faults Leaving that to others.
I shall only add—that [James] Gould his Chief Clerk in the Store, has for a Long time Openly Sold Rum in Deffiance of ye Trustees orders. & that he has Fined Mr Amatis for Selling a Small matter more then he knew what to do & has Countenanced ye said Gould in that Trade.
And That he himself has Sold on his Private Accot Goods in ye Store at a Considerable Profit to the poor people who had Worked for the Publick & when he accounted with em paid himself first.
Mr Gould next.
3dy. Those that owed him.
4thy. That if there was any thing Left it was paid to ye Poor people or to their othr Creditors.
From his Behaviour to the Freeholders many Entertain the Oppinion that he Acts without orders in many things, Others that they are to be deprived of the British Liberties & therefore they intend for Great Britain.
There has been so much Damaged Provisions in the Store that it is a Shame on the Colony. And now that Corn & Peas are wanted for Planting the Freeholders have asked for, & they have been told that of one of them there is none in the Store, the other is not fit to plant with. See the Damage to ye Colony by such Neglect & Carelesness. People Complain sadly, & indeed not without reason.
Isaac Chardon to the Trustees, June 5, 1735, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, p. 305, including a bill for provisions etc. for Georgia.
Since my last Letters of ye 13th May I have paid for the Service and use of Your Colony the Sum of £ 1504. 10. - Our Currency in the following Manner
By the next favourable Occasion I Shall transmit your Account Compleated to the 25 June.
Paul Amatis to the Trustees, June 6, 1735, Savannah, received Aug. 6, 1735, C.O. 5/637, pp. 86-96, Egmont 14200, pp. 631-635, concerning his troubles in the garden, with Thomas Causton, and his fine for selling rum.
I had the honnour to write you last January by Capt Yoakley with a Bundle of Silk made here, & in February I writ by Charles Town. Hearing that Capt Yoakley is Safely arrived & I doubt not but he has delivered the Silk & my Letters to your Honnours & I hope also that mine p. Charles Town is also come to your hands. Finding therefore no answer tho I had great reason to Expect it I am much Concerned & very Uneasy to find my Self thus dissapointed, & the rather because I had writ your Honnrs that I would have gone from hence to London this Month If I had not your orders to prevent the Same. Accordingly I was preparing to go with Capt [William] Thompson but Mr Montacute [Samuel Montaigut] Mr [Samuel] Eveleigh Mr [Elisha] Dobree & Sevl others of my Friends have advised me to Stay Least with the Complaints that I have to make against the Proceedings of Certain person in the Colony might Occassion Some Dissorders & Broils in this Place & also Least in my Absence your Garden might greatly Suffer now that it is in a thriving way. I have therefore resolved to Sacrifice my Private Interest than to Act in any ways wherein it might in the Least Appear that the Publick good might Suffer. Altho most of those that knows me, knows that I have at all times Preffered the Publick to My Private Interest. My Intent is now to Stay with Patience till a Trustee or other Person fit to Govern this Colony comes over. To him I will Surrender the Garden or follow Such Orders as he Shall think Convenient to Lay on me.
I think with humble Submission that I may Venture to Aquaint you with the full perticullrs.
That I having a Small Quantity of Rum for my Provission & finding it was more then I could Spend & being as I thought on my departure for London I thought it was no Crime to dispose of what I did not want, Seeing it was Publickly Sold by many others who never were Disquieted or Fined on that Accot.
The 19th Inst Mr Causton fined me Seven Pounds Currancy for Selling Some few Gall of Rum. I paid the Fine very freely not being willing by an Ill Example to Dispute the Same. But for me to pay it & no others; there Seems Partiality and Since the Fine goes for ye Benefit of ye Colony I shall be the more Easy. Since the Province Reaps the Benefit of it but to what Accot is Applyd is yet Unknown to us.
The Following Persons are known Publickly to Sell Rum & Still Continue, Except Mr [Thomas] Christie who Imediately Left off.
Mr Edward Jenkins
Mr John Fallowfield
Mr Patrick Houstoun
Mr James Gould, Chief Clerk of your Store.
Mr John Ambrose & others wch I cant now Remember.
All the Public Houses, the Masters of Periaugers & Sevl others.
The reason Some of the above Gentlemen do not pay a Fine is because they are Intimate to Mr Causton. I dont Say because they are Freemasons.
Since my Arrival in this Colony I have Seen many things Transacted Contrary to the Interest of the Trustees & ye Colony, & my Intent in representing the Same is to prevent for ye future that the Interest of both may not Suffer. And as I have the Honnour to be Employd in your Service, I think it is my duty & I should be much to blame If I Should Sit Quietly & See your Interest & ye whole Colony at Stake & not Inform your Honl Board thereof. This is my reasons & I hope I Shall not incurr your displeasure in so doeing but if I should I have the Satisfaction that in this I have done nothing but my Duty.
I conceive (with humble Submission) that your Honl Board will not Approve Altogether what has been done. As to my Person I cannot avoid Complaining at the Proceedings against me, Considering the Confidence reposed on me (by your Honl Board) with the Direction of the Silk Undertaking. The Chief & almost the only Article for which this Colony was Setled & which Thanks be to God is brought So forward as to give great & Reasonable hopes that in Some years the Province will Produce as good if not better Silk than Piedmont & that in Vast Quantitys as may more fully Appear by a Manuscript of mine which I am now preparing for London.
I doubt not in the Least, but that Some of My Enemies (tho I have but few here) May have Spread false Reports against me, as they have against others but I doubt not in the Least to Justify my Conduct when it will not be in their Power to Justify theirs.
The Honr Mr Oglethorpe was pleased to tell me that there should be Merchandizes Lodged in the Trustees Store with an Intent to Sell em at first Cost (& 5 per Ct Interest) to the Freeholders in order to Ease them in their Infancy & Enable them to Continue here with Comfort & Satisfaction, but now its otherwise. The Store is Filled up with Goods Sold for ye Private Benefit & Advantage of Mr Causton who Sells the Same to the Poor Freeholders at such Extravagant Rate as 40 to 50 per Ct Profit, by which means they greatly Suffers & he gets Abundance Money Especially from the Men who are Employed in the Publick Works. These People have been Chiefly Paid in Goods as much as they could well take, & if any thing was Still due to them Mr [James] Gould was to be paid prefferable to any of their Creditors.
I cannot believe that Mr Causton will Easily pass his Accts of Provisions & Shew Vouchers for ye Same. It is well known that many Barrels of Meat have been buried in the Ground, the stench being so great that it was not prudent to keep them any Longer above Ground, & as for other Provissions Great has been the Damage thereon from the Carelsness & Indolence of those who might have taken better Care & I cannot think that the Loss Can be Computed Less than £ 200 Stg. I am very Free in discovering & giving your Honnrs the Trouble of this Information, wch I think I am bound in Duty So to do. But If I Should find hereafter that I am wrong & Such proceedings of mine are dissagre able I Shall Imediately Leave off, for in doeing this I run the risque of Incurring the Displeasure & Revenge of those who are my Open & bitter Enemies.
The Affection I have for this Colony & Its Inhabitants Induces me to wish them all manner of happiness & Prosperity assuring them that it will be a perticullr Satisfaction & a great Delight in me at all times to do them the best Services I can.
Mr Causton (by your orders as he tells me) hath taken away Since the End of Novr Last from the Garden Six of ye Servants. There was then but four Left. One is run away on board of the Men of War at Charles Town either Capt Anson or Capt Lloyd & Sailed for England. Another is gone Since Last Week, but where we do not know; he went with Diver other Servants belonging to the Freeholders of this Town. I have been obliged to be at great Charges to defray the Expences of your Garden, as your Honnour may See by my Accot. I have always Endeavoured to do the best I Could to bring that Garden to that Perfection that you might with reason Expect. I beg you please to send more Servants. I Suppose your Intentions is to have Nothing wanting to promote the Benefit of yr. Garden. On my part Nothing shall be wanting on that head, having greatly the Interest & the Power of doing good to the Freeholders in all My Actions. I have been Obliged to hire Some few Servants, but for the Future I think with humble Submission it would be most for your Interest to Send me Some more of your Own from England. All wch I humbly Submit to your Great Wisdom & am Most Respectfully.
[P.S.] Elisha Dobree having met with Great Losses by [Francis ?] Lynch his Correspondt here, has begd of me for my Interest with your Honr Board to Enable his Family to come here, wch Favour I humbly beg youll please to Grant in Consideration of the Improvement he has made in his Garden & of his Capacity & Ability in Publick Affairrs. I Employ him to Translate My Letters & Accots from French to English & also my Journal relating [to] the Silk Worm undertaking. I hope your Honnrs may do Something for him. I find he desires nothing So much as to have his Family come to him here—but at present is not able to Send em Enough for yt Purpose. He will readily Repay ye Charges in Case he is able & if you please to Require it.
Talk of Creek leaders, June 11, 1735, Savannah, Egmont 14201, pp. 1-13, concerning traditions of their past history.
Talk taken in Writing this Eleventh day of June, One Thousand Seven hundred and Thirty five at Savannah in Georgia from the mouths of Chekelli Mico or King & Chief of the upper and lower Creeks & Antioche head Warriour from the Cowetaw town. Eliche Mico, or King Ousta head Warriour from the Cussitaws. Tomechaw War King; Wali War Captain from the Pallachucolas. Poepicke Mico or King. Tomohuichi dog King from the Echitaws. Mittakawye head Warriour from the Okonees. Taweliche Mico or King Whoyanni head Warriour from the Chehaws, & are joyn’d by the Hokmulge people Shinelacowecke Mico or King from the Osoche. Opithli Mico or King from the Sawocolos. Ewenauki Mico or King Tahmokmi War Captain from the Eupaulees and thirty nine other Warriours & young men.
In the Presence of Thomas Causton, and Henry Parker Bailiffs, Thomas Christie Recorder, John Vat Comissary to the Saltzburgers, and Sundry Gentlemen and Freeholders of the Said town and Province of Georgia.
That towards the Sun setting the Ground opens, wch. is the Mouth of the Ground, That the Ground open’d, and the Cussetaws205 came out of the Mouth of Ground, and Settled thereby, but the Ground was angry and eat up their Children, and they went further towards the Setting of the Sun. Nevertheless this part of the Cussetaws turn’d back again and came to the same place206 (leaving the greater Body behind) thinking it might be best so to do, and Settled again by the Mouth of the Ground; That their Children were Still eat up by the Earth, & then they went away in Anger towards the Sun rising. That they came to a thick Muddy River, where they Camp’d, rested, and slept one Night. That next Day they began again to travel, and came in one day to a red bloody River. That they liv’d by that River, and eat of ye Fish two Years, but it was a low Springy place and they did not like to abide there. That they went to ye End of that Bloody River and heard a Thundering noise, they went forward to see where the noise came from, and they first Saw a red smoak, and soon after a Hill wch. thunder’d and a Singing noise was upon the Hill, and they Sent to See what it was, and it was a great Fire that burnt right upwards and made that singing noise. They call’d ye Hill the King of Hills. It thunders to this day, and they fear it much. That they met with ye People of three different nations. They took of ye Fire from the Hill and saved it. And at that place ye knowledge of Herbs and many other things came to them. That Fire came to them from the Sun rising wch. was white, and they did not like to use it. Also from the South207 wch. was Blew, neither did they use that. Also from the Sun Setting which was black, neither did they use that. And also from ye North which was red & yellow. This they mix’d with ye Fire they took from the Hill wch. they use to this day, and it some times sings. That at the Hill there was a Stick wch. was very uneasy and made a noise, and they could not tell how to Pacifie it. That they took a motherlesse Child and push’d at it; the Stick kill’d the Child. Therefore they took the Stick and carry it with them when they go to War, and the Stick was like the wooden Tomihawk which they use to this Day and of the Same Sort of Wood. Here they also found out four Sorts of Herbs or Roots wch. Sung and discover’d their virtures. 1st. Passaw i. e. Rattle Snake Root; 2d. Mico Weanechau, i.e. out does the king, commonly call’d Red Root; 3d. Sowatchko, grows like wild Fennel; 4th. Eschela pootchke, i.e. small Tobacco. They also use them at their Bask [Busk ?] to purifie themselves, they being the Chief of their Physick especially the 1st and 3d Sorts. That at the Bask, wch. is Yearly, they fast and make offerings of their first Fruits; That Since they knew the virtue of Herbs, the Women make Fire by themselves and learned thereby to be seperate at certain times from the Men. Five, Six or Seven days for purification, for if they were not to do so, it would Spoil the virtue of their Physick, and the women would not be healthy.
That a dispute arose which was the eldest, and who should have the Rule, and they agreed that being four Sorts of people they should set up four Sticks and make them red with Clay, (which was originally Yellow, but by burning it became red) and all go to War to try which of them could first cover each his Stick from the Root upwards with Scalps of Enemies and he that So did Should be the Eldest. That they all endeavour’d so to do but the Cussetaws cover’d the tope of their Stick first with Scalps, so that it could not be seen. Therefore they were declared & are allow’d by the whole nation, to be the Eldest. The Chickasaws cover’d next; the Alibamas next, but the Obekaws could not raise their heap of Scalps, higher than the Knee.
That about this time there was a Bird of a very large Size, Blewish Colour’d, had a long tail and was Swifter than an Eagle, which came, kill’d & eat their people every day. They made the figure of a woman and set it in the way of the Bird, and the Bird took it away with him and kept it a long time but brought it back again. When it came back they let it alone expecting it would bring forth some thing and in length of time it brought forth a Red Rat, & they beleived that the Bird was the Father of the red Rat; that they consulted with the Rat how they might destroy his Father. That the Bird had Bows & Arrows and the Rat eat his Bow Strings So that the Bird could not defend himself, which the Rat told them of, & that they might go & kill him, which they did. They call’d this Bird the King of Birds; they allow the Eagle to be a great King, and always carry the Feathers of his tail when they go to war or peace, being red for war & white for peace, and if an Enemy comes with white Feathers & a white mouth & makes a noise like an Eagle they cannot kill him.
That they then left that place & travel’d further till they found a white Path, the grass & all things they saw were white. That they found people had been there before, that they cross’d the Path, and went to Sleep, after wch. they consulted and returned to see what Path it was, and what people had been there, beleiving it might be for their Good to follow it, & they went that Path till they came to a Creek call’d Colossa Hutche208 because it was Smoaky & rocky that they went over it towards the Sun rising, & came to a People call’d Coosaws.209 That they staid with the Coosaws four Years. The Coosaws complain’d they had a Creature that eat them up which they call’d Man-eater or Lyon that liv’d in the Rock. The Cussetaws Said they would try if they could kill it for them, & they made a net,210 dug a Trench & put ye Net over it, and made several Creeks & places to stop the Lyon from pursuing them, & went to ye place where the Lyon liv’d & throw’d a Rattle in where he lay. That the Lyon came out & follow’d them through all the Creeks & Places they had made with great fury, so they agreed ‘twas better one should die than all, therefore when they came near the Trench they took a Motherlesse Child & throw’d it into the Lyon’s way. The Lyon running eagerly to devour the Child tumbled into the Pit or Trench, and then they drew the net over him and kill’d him wth. burning Chungures, but preserv’d his Bones, wch. they keep to this day, and one Side of them is red & ye other Side of them is blew. That every Seven days he us’d to come & kill people, therefore having kill’d him they tarried Seven days there, and in Remembrance thereof they take Physick & fast Six days, & ye Seventh day they go out to War, and if they carry the Bones of ye Lyon with them they are fortunate therein.
That they left the Coosaws at the Expiration of four Years as above & went to a River they call’d Rowphawpe, now call’d Callasie Hutche, there they Staid two Years & had no grain to plant, all this while they liv’d upon Roots & Fish, & made Bows & pointed their Arrows, Beaver teeth & Flints, they also split Canes which they us’d instead of Knives.
That they quitted that place & came to a Creek call’d Wattoola-hawkaw Hutche from the hooping of Cranes, or Crane hooping Creek, on Account of the vast quantity of Cranes found there. They Slept there one night. That they came to a River where was a fall of Water, and they call’d it Owahenka River. That next day they came to another River which the call’d Aphoosapheeskaw.211 That next day they went over and came near a high hill and found there were some people there, and they hoped it was the people that had made the white Path. Therefore they made white Arrows & shot to see if they were good people, but the people took the white off and made them red, and shot them back again. They then took up the red Arrows and carried them to their King, and the King told them it was not for good; If the Arrows had returned white they should have gone and got provisions for their Young ones, but being red they should not go. However some of them went to See what people they were, and found they had all quitted their Houses. They Saw a Trackt which lead into the River, and they believed they went into the River, & did not get out for they went to ye other side of the River & could find no Trackt. That there is a Hill they call’d Moterel, which makes a noise like the beating of a drum, & they fancy they live there; That whenever they go to war this noise is heard. That they went along the River till they came to another fall of water where they saw great Rocks and Boughs laid on the Rocks, and they believed the people who made the white Path had been there. That in all their Travels they have two Runners who go before the Body of the People. That they Saw a High Hill, and the Runners went upon it & look’d about and saw a Town. That they Shot two white Arrows into the town, but the People of the town shot red Arrows back again. That the Cussetaws were angry with the people & agreed to fall upon their town, and if they took it, every one was to have a house. That they throw’d Stones into the River, till it was So Shallow that they could walk over wch. they did, (the People were flat headed) & they took the Town. When they had So done they kill’d all but two whose Trackt they follow’d, & overtook a white dog which they kill’d and pursue’d the two people till they came into the white Path again, and they Saw a Smoak where was a Town, & now again believed they had found the people they had So long travell’d to See. It is the place the present Pallachucolla people dwell in, & from whom Tomo Chachi is descended.
That the Cussetaws were always bloody minded, but the Pallachucolla people made them back drink as a token of Friendship, and told them their Hearts were white, and they must have white Hearts, and lay down their bloody Tomihawks, and give their bodies in token that they should be white. That they Strove for the Tomihawk, but the Pallachucolla people by fair persuasions gain’d it from them and Carried it under their Cabin. The Pallachucolla people told them their Captin Should be all one with their people, and gave them white Feathers. That ever Since they have liv’d together and shall always live together, and bear it in remembrance.
That some went on one Side of the River, and some on the other Side; the one Side all Call’d Cussetaws, and the other Cowetaws, but they are one people and allow’d to be the head towns of the upper & lower Creeks. Nevertheless because they first saw red smoak & red Fire & made bloody Towns they can not leave their red Hearts, which tho’ they are white on the one Side, are Red on the other. That they still find the white Path was for their good, for altho’ Tomo Chachi has been as a Stranger, and not lived in their towns, amongst them, yet they See that in his old Age, he has done himself & them good because he went with Esqr. Oglethorpe to See the great King and hear his great Talk,212 and has brought it to them, and they have heard it, & believe it. For which reason they look upon him as the father and Senauki213 the Mother of them all, and are all resolved that when he shall be dead to look upon Tooanahawi his nephew as the Chief ruler of them all214 in his stead, and hope he will be a great man, and do good for himself & them. That their Eyes had been Shut, but were now more open, and they believe the coming of the English to this place is for good to them and their Children, and will always have Streight hearts towards them, and hope tho’ they were naked & helplesse they shall have more good things done for them.
Chekilly said, I am of the Eldest town and was chosen to rule after the death of the Emperor Bream. I have a strong mouth & will declare this resolution to the rest of the nations, and make them comply therewith. We are glad the Squire [Oglethorpe] carried some of our people to See the great King & his nation, that I am never tired of hearing what Tomo Chachi tells me about it. That all my people return their great Thanks to all the Trustees for so great favour, and will always do our outmost Endeavour to Serve them and all the great King’s people whenever there shall be occasion. I am glad I have been down & seen things as they are, we shall go home and tell the Children and all the Nation the great Talk which Tomo Chachi has had with the great King, and bear in remembrance the Place where they now have met., and call it Georgea. I am Sensible that there is one who has made us all and tho’ some have more knowledge than others, the great & strong must become dirt alike.
John Baker to James Oglethorpe, June 12, 1735, Bristol, C.O. 5/637, pp. 197-198, concerning payment of bills from Georgia.
By the Sea Horse wch arrivd this Morning from So Carolina I had a letter from my Partner accompanying a second bill of Mr Causton’s on the Trustees payable to us for Three hundred pounds. Mr [Paul] Jenys took notice that he had inclosd me Mr Causton’s letter of advice, and also our accot Currt wth the Trustees, but on perusal I find there is no letter of advice & do suppose it may be with the first bill only, which is on board the Garland that sayld a few days before this Ship but not yet arrived; As this second bill therefore may first get to hand (& perhaps without a letter of advice) I take the liberty to Inclose you the accot Currt wch Mr Jenys sent me, and hope yoll find the same to your satisfaction.
We have a Ship (the Charming Molly) that will sayl for So Carolina in three weeks, if you have any Commands that way I shall be glad to serve you.
[P.S.] I propose to embark in two months & Mr Williams & our Vessell will go about the same time.
Thomas Gapen215 to the Trustees, June 13, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, pp. 101-104, Egmont 14201, pp. 21-27, concerning Thomas Causton’s refusal to pay him as public butcher, his ideas about cattle raising, his inability to get his land surveyed, his position as color bearer in the militia, and his like for Georgia.
Right Honble and Honble Gentlemen
It being a Current Report that some worthy Gentleman from your Honrs would Quickly Arrive here made me wait with Patience from Complaining of the Hard Usage I have Laboured under Since the Departure of ye Honble Mr Oglethorpe. I Most Humbly beg to Assure your Honrs that I here lay before you my true case, that Justice may take place and Liberty and Property be Supported, which are the Valuable Enjoyments of an Englishman; and I was in hopes of being possess’d of them here, which I do not in the least doubt when your Honrs are truely inform’d of the Proceedings, which the Bearer of this Mr [John] West, has been an Eye Witness of.
Gentlemen, at my Arrival here, the 29 of Augt 1733 I Landed in good Health and took my orders with the rest of the People to go to work, which I did very Chearfully. After working as his Honr Mr Oglethorpe was pleased to Imploy me, I went to Sawing being Resolv’d to build me a House as soon as Possible. In the mean time their wanted a Butcher, in the Colony, very much. His Honr was pleasd to Appoint me as such, and agreed with Capt James Macpherson, to furnish the Colony with 50 Steers; and for giving Encouragement to me to go on in the Bussiness, made Articles of Agreement for Each party and as I Performd my part faithfully and with Justise in killing the Steers was in great Hopes the Articles on the other part would have been so too. This being the first Occasion of my complaint, I Humbly beg to Relate it.
The first Drove of 25 Steers Came May the 21 last to Mr John Musgroves Cow penn and no farther, which is upwards often miles by Land and Six by Water, and was there left. I being Unprovided with a boat and People to go with me Insisted on the Beasts being brought nigh the Town, according to agreement. And the Hot weather being great, the Meat would be delivered the fresher, which I was desirous of doing, and it would be a Means of Amending the Health of the Colony which at that time was very Sickly. And as the Capt agreed to fence in two Thirds of my 45 Acre Lot for a Pasture, I Should have been ready two Months ago to have Planted the whole lott. But I never yet have had ye pleasure of Seeing or know where it lies. I have Compleatly fenced and Planted my 5 Acre Lott which your honrs Shall see in its place. But Sirs no Argument could perswade Mr Causton to order the Steers to be Brought as agreed for, but I was Threatened and Compell’d to Hire a Boat and Men at my own Charge and kill them at the Cow pen some a Distance out in the Woods, and bring the Quarters on my Back to the Waterside. And if any Misfortune had happen’d so to lose my tide the Meat must Intirely have Perished, and your Honrs as well as my Self would have been great Sufferers, by Reason his Honr Mr Oglethorpe had advanced the money, so that the Cattle became Entirely your Honrs at the Delivery. I never took the Leaving of the Steers at Mr Musgroves as Such, but Mr Causton did. The Range at the Cow pen being so large, that it was Impossible to keep the Steers together. Some Run back to Carolina, and we never could get them. 2 were kill’d by the Stragling Indians, and Sometimes we had them Missing for a Month that the Town Suffered very much, for the want of fresh meat. In the mean time Mr Hugh Bryan as at this time drove 31 Steers into the Town and found it no great Difficulty to Bring them as was objected by Capt Macpherson, and two other Planters have proposed doing the like. From ye 24 of May to the 10th of July I workt in killing three or four Steers a Week as ordered from the Store House but Rac’d no Mony for my Labour. When I came to desire Mr Causton to settle my Acctt, he Refus’d doing of it, nor no Money he would let me have to Carry on my Bussiness. I Desired Mr Noble Jones and Mr John Coates to go with me to See my Acctt Settled, and there was due to me by Balance 48.16. 6¼ Cur but I got nothing but the content of Balancing.
It was his Honr Mr Oglethorpes Pleasure to order me in my agreement, the price of two Steers advance to buy Small Stock for a Market; but I never could Prevail on Mr Causton to Comply with his Honre Intention and when I have had 150 £ Curr due to me, have lost the providing my Self with Hogs Sheep and other Stock, which have been brought here to Sell for want of that Money which he would not part with out of his hands. It is Gentlemen a Surprising thing to See him continually buying Numbers of Servants and Cattle for his own use with the Money that your Honrs Entrust him with, to pay poor Workmen. He at this time has Eight besides the Man your Honrs Sent him and above [torn] Cows and Calves which he claims for his own, whilst Several that Arriv’d here as well as my Self In Capt [Henry] Daubaz have not had one, nor no not when we shall.
Your Honrs were pleas’d to assure me at ye Office that we all Should have equal Lots, in Drawing for Cattle and our Land. Whilst his Honr Mr Oglethorpe was here we had it so, but Since it all goes by favour, and as we have been 2 Years without Seeing our 45 Acre Lotts we may be as much more unless your Honrs please to order it otherwise. I have made Several Applications to Mr [Noble] Jones and Mr Causton to have my Lott run out, and abundance have done the same, but to no Purpose. So I hope Your Honrs will please to Excuse me in Applying to the honourable Board of Trusstees.
Gentlemen you may be assured that not a Town in America, can produce a more Willinger and Stedfast people both to Serve the King and Colony, than here is among us, Ready and Willing to run upon all Alarms for the good and Safety of the Colony. Your Complainant ever since his Arrival has always appeared one of the first and hope if occassion should happen will Behave as a Soldier, in Defence of the Colony. I carried the first Colours which belong to your Honrs before the Indians and hope Gentlemen you will Please to give me leave to Mantain them.
I Humbly hope your Honrs will Please to Excuse me in Mentioning it, but as a Difference has been wherein I may be represented to your Honrs in a Different manner, and my Conduct Blamed, by a false Representation of the fact. The Town Appearing under Arms on Sunday the 8th of this Inst I was appointed by the Magistrates and Commanding Officers Some days before, to bear the Colours and Appear’d that day with them in my Place, the whole Battallion being drawn up in Johnsons Square, to Muster. The next day being Monday the 9th Inst the Battallion being drawn up to receive the Creek Indians, Mr [Joseph] Fitzwater was Likewise Appointed that day to bear the other, and Although he was the younger Officer Claim’d the Senior Post which I was resolv’d to maintain. And to End the Dispute at that time, we agreed to meet the next morning and try it by Point of Sword. Mr Fitzwater did not think proper to face me, being willing to Sleep in a whole Skin, therefore I Posted him for a Coward at the Standard post in the Square. This Gentlemen is the whole truth of the affair as Capt [William] Thomson and Mr [John] West were Eye Witness of, and I most Humbly beg Pardon of the Honble Trusstees for breaking through any Law, which they have Appointed relating to Duels, and hope they will please to for give my rashness, and your Honrs shall always hear of my great Duty and Regard to your Orders, for the Welfare and Security of the Colony.
I Humbly Hope Sirs that I shall not Suffer in my private affairs, if I should be calld any distance from the Town, as I did in July last when we had an Alarm of Some Spaniards and Yamasee Indians being landed on the Island of Skedaway. Upon this News my Self and Several other Freeholders of Savannah, offered to go to Assist Mr Johnson Damas if Occasion should require, but not meeting with them there, we went as far as the Altamaha, my Self taking ye Charge of ten Men in the Skedaway Boat. But notwithstanding all our Endeavours to Come up with them and learn the occassion of their coming so nigh us, we never could come up with them, being out 13 days. A Journal of our Voyage with an Account of Several Jorneys that I have made through land, and the Difference of the Soil and Trees growing thereon; I am Preparing to Send to your Honrs as soon as Possible my Spare Hours from working will permit me to finish.
At my Return from the Altamahaa I had the misfortune to hear that Several Hogs as were in my keeping belonging to the Trusstees and 8 of my own which I had left under the Care of my Servant had broke out of the penn, and went into ye Swamps, and Notwithstanding all my Endeavours, in Hunting after them I never can Recover ‘em. Mr Causton has made a Debt of Charge to me for them which belong’d to your Honrs and has kept upwards of 60 £ Curr In his hands, to pay for them. I Petition’d the Court when Mr [Peter] Gordon was on the Bench, but never yet have had any Relief so Humbly Hope that your Honrs will please to take my Case into Consideration. The paying for them and Loss of my own has quite ruin’d me. And I beg Leave to Mention the Liberty giving to Servants and others who have no Lotts to Trade in the Town is of a great prejudice to we that run the Hazard of Crediting, and daily give our Attendance for the Security of the Town.
I was in Hopes never to have troubled the Honble Board with any Complaint, my whole Study being to Labour and Work for the forwarding of the Town and Colony. I am at Present Clearing all the Town and Common of the thick Underwood and Shrubs which by their growing could conceal some Hundreds of Men, and is a great Harbour for Snakes and other Vermin. I have Lately finished a Large Cow pen, 8 foot High and Sunk a Pond in it the whole Contains upwards of Sixty acre, Within ½ a Mile of the Town, In order to put in the Cattle when they are Brought up out of ye woods, and to Mark the Cows and Calves belonging to your Honrs. I was Promised the Benefit of the said Pasture by Mr Causton and Hope he has Mention’d it to the Honble Board of Trusstees. I am at a very good Loss for Pasture ground nigh the Town to turn in fat Cattle when they are brought from Carolina to keep while they are wanted to be kill’d for the Town. Most humbly beg of your Honrs to grant me a Piece of Land or Lease or as the Honble Board shall in their great wisdom think Proper, the Pine Barren and Large Swamps adjoining being very unfit for the Purpose. On Argile Issland And the Adjacent land the Cattle will daily Improve, both In goodness and the Meat be much the Sweeter, there being naturally fine Grass, and a good Honey Suckle bottom with Plenty of fresh water in ponds. If your Honrs would Please to fix a Cow pen there the Colony in 3 years time might have a Continual Supply without the Assistance of Carolina, and Hogs might be bred in great numbers and at Small charge, the Land bearing Mostly Oak and Hickery Trees with abundance of Chinkampen trees, whose nuts are the most Delightfull food that the Hogs will feed on in the woods, and grow fat thereon.
I Shall always think my Self in Duty bound to Pray for your Honrs in Establishing me here and could think my Self a very happy Man if my Wife would Venture over to Georgia, which place I think never to forsake. I Enjoying a very good State of Health.
I Humbly Hope as I Have been in the Place as Butcher to the Hon. Trusstees almost two years, that by my Meriting your Honrs favour I may Continue as Such by orders from the Honble Board. And if your Honrs would Please to Send me 2 Sturdy men Servants and a Maid Servant that can go through Country Business, I will pay for them as your Honrs please to order and my Improvement on my Land shall be beyond Expectation, in a Short time. All which I most Humbly Submit to Your Honrs and throwing my Self on the Honble Trusstees Protection beg leave to Subscribe my Self.
Elizabeth Bland216 to James Oglethorpe, June 14, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, pp. 96-97, Egmont 14201, pp. 29-32, concerning bad conditions in Georgia and Thomas Causton’s refusal to let her return to England.
After a ten weeks dissagreable Voyage in a very bad Ship & rude Commander wanting every thing in this life wee Arriv’d at Charls town from whence the passinger that wou’d goe were Conveyd in a pettyauger to Georgia. But I and Some others remaind at Charls town being very ill for meer want because had not eat nor drinkd nothing but bisket & watter for Seven week & three days before I landed. I not being able to lay in fresh provissions & my Stomach cou’d not bear the Ships provission & the litle Licqure mr Spooner laid in we was rob’d of by the Sailers So that when we Caim out to See we had notthing but Watter to drink, & the barberouse Company & Capt that was in the Cabin took all occassions to pick quarills with us & by that means to Avoid Assisting us which they thought they must doe if wee remaind all friends &c. The litle Goods I brought as well as all the passingers was quite Spoild by reason of the badness of the Vessill which was but a one deck Vessel & indeed So Small that it Seemd a presumption to take Such a voyage in her. At Carolina I heard So terable a Charicter of Georgia that I resolv’d never to See it & had gott a passage for England in a very good Ship but hearing my Son was not well at Georgia I was resolvd to go & see him before I left the Country, the Ship I was to go in Not being to Sail under a fortnight or three weeks time. When I came to Georga Mr Causton promisd not to detain me against my Will, but to my great Surprise I have lost my liberty & must not return home to my Native Land without leav from the Trusttees. When Sr You are Sencable I had Nothing from them either for my passage or otherwise, neither woud I have Sold my freedom for ten thousand pounds Sterling, & as I have done Nothing to forfeit my liberty hope I am not to Loose it. There Can be no greater Injurry to the Success of the Colloney than my letters wou’d be Shoud I acquaint the world of my Loss of liberty, but I hear [fear ?] them not whilst I have good Mr Oglethorp to Apply to for redress. Sr the Country is so very hott I am not Capable of any industry in it, & it is so very Sickly that Such Numbers Of all aiges dye dayly which terrfyesme So much I am not able to injoy the least thought of life hear. Oh Sr had I thought of the least restraint, all the Land in amerreca Should not have purchas’d my freedom. I therefore beg Your positive Command to these people in power to let me go & hope a Check into the bargain for detaining me who am a free woman & no ways Confinde by lott or otherwise. I have taken nothing from the Stores neithere will I, & Caustin will not pay me the five pound You was pleased to order me. I pitty my poor Son & wish him in the place of Your meanest Servant for they are in a Land of health liberty & property. But did king Georg Use his people as they are Used here he woud Soon loose his Crown. Such lying Such Scandle & false Swearing as I never heard in my life, in Short its a very hell upon Earth; & I beg & intreat Your orders for my deliverance as soon as possible. I cou’d inform You of a great many Affairs You woud be both Glade & very Sorry to hear but dair not write them. In Short I tremble all the time I writ this for Shou’d I be ketch’d writing this I should be made a Close pissoner & allowd Nothing. Oh Cou’d dear Mr Oglethorp See & hear the Complaints of people hear it wou’d greiv You to the very Soul, & it is impossible my Son Shou’d do any thing hear without four or five Servants. He will not be able to work himselfe in this Country if he lives. He is now very ill of the bloody flux but wont write You of it. Oh Sr send for us home or we Shall Certainly loose our lives in this terable place. There is differant Sort of people fitt for it but God know wee are not, & Sence I can be of no Service to the Colony I hope You will take Such Cair to Send me May not loose our life hear. Provissions are very indiferant but they Say much Mended. I can’t Eat with any Satisfacttion, my Stomach is very bad. You was pleasd to order me to be very perticularr, therfor hope You will pardon this long Scrole which tho I am very ill my liberty is so much at hart I can’t for beer repetition & from this Moment Shall never enjoy life till I hear from my only friend & deliverer & May God Allmighty the rewarder of all Good Send You long life & every blessing Added to itt is & Shall be the Constant prayers.
[P.S.] Caustin hass put me into a house instead of a Lodging. I told him You only Mentiond a lodging, I thought; but he Says he Shall have a great Many people Coming & he must have rooms for them So that I am to be Stuff’d in with all Sorts Sick & well when they come. The house is without a Chimney & I see no Sign of any. For my Son they Say he can’t build without Money & indeed the best favour You can do my poor Son is to Send for him when You Send for me. For we Shall do no Good hear & I would serve my betters in England rather than be a Slave to such ville wretches as govern hear.
Robert Millar to the Trustees, June 20, 1735, Kingston in Jamaica, C.O. 5/637, pp. 114-115, Egmont 14201, pp. 33-36, describing his trip to Cartagena and his search for plants there.
I did myself the honour to give you an account of My Voyage to Portobelo & Panama in my last of Dec. 10th and now lay hold of this opportunity to give you that of My late one to Cartagena.217
We Sailed from hence on Jan. 22d and arrived there the 1st of Feb. Next day I waited on his Excellency the Governour & Delivered him the Letter which My Lord Petre obtained in My favour from the Count Monteigo, wch Moved him to Grant me ye liberty, of one months progress up the Country into any part I should think fitt.
To employ this time to the Best advantage I made a Strick enquiry before I sett out where I could find the Plant of the True Ipecacuanna, the Balsam Capivi & Tolu Trees,218 and accordingly I sett out for Mompos, wher I arrived in eight days after My leaving Cartagena. When I had made a fruitless Search of the neighboring feilds for 5 days, finding nothing Remarkable I Proceeded down the River Magdalena in a Canoe til we Came to the Mouth of the River Canca, and after 3 days Voyage on it we reached the mouth of a Smaller River Called St George & Setting our Canoe against its Current in 3 days more we arrived at a Smal Village Called Ayapel in the Province of Antiochia.
It was here I found the Balsam Capivi Tree, & the true Ipecacuanna plant. This Grows wild in a Wood about four Miles distance from the Village, in a Rich Red Clay Ground & Commonly to the height of a foot or foot & a half. The Root from 6 to 8 or 9 Inches long, & is propogated both by Seeds & layers. It flowers in Sept & Oct. So that I missed the proper Season for that & the Seed, having only mett with one Grain of the latter wch I have Sent to Mr Philip Miller.219 I brought here with me above a hundred of the Plants, in Boxes, a great Number of wch are already dead, and these that remain are in a Bad Condition, they having Suffered very much by a long journey by land, in wch they met with Several little accidents to my great misfortune and Since, by a Tedious Bad weather Voyage from Carthagena hither. But I hope to Repair this loss by a Correspondence I’ve Settled with a Spanish Gentleman at the Place of ther Growth who wil transmit the Plants from time to time to the Doctor of the Factory in large Boxes, wc wil Come down all the way by water to Cartagena, & be Remitted me by him as Opportunitys offers. By this Method I hope to have a Sufficient Stock that wil take in this Climate, so that I may from hence transplant them to Georgia, wher I don’t in the lest doubt of ther Succeeding very weel, for the Natural Heat of the place where they Grow Seldom exceeds 45 Degrees. This I tryed by one of the Same Sort of Thermometers that Mr Miller makes use of in his hot house.
As for the Balsam Capivi, ye Tree yielding it, when in Perfection is from 50 to 60 foot high. Those I saw grew in much Such a Soil as the forementioned about 10 Miles from the Village, But where they both grow in plenty is 5 days Journey more up the Country along the Said River St George. When they extract the Balsam they Cut the Tree into the Heart where ther is a Cavity, yt extends itself almost the whole length of the Trunk, wch they Cal a Vein. From thence in an hours time it yeilds all its Balsam, Wc in Some trees amount to five or Six Gallons, & tho it thrives again as to its Grouth yet it never produces any more Balsam. Ther are Some trees that have 2 or 3 of there Veins but Cutting in drains the whole. Ther are other that have none at all. But these wch yield the Balsam are Distinguished from this latter Sort, by a Ridge that appears upon the outward part of the Trunk & Generally the whole Length of the Inward Vein. I have Sent Mr Miller Some of the Seeds of this, others I have Sown here & thrive apace. The Rest I keep for Georgia.
Having now spent 10 days here and the time of my licence from the Governour being already near elapsed, I Returned down the River St George till we arrived at Gegua, Wher I hired horses to Coloso about 40 Leagues Distance from it; here I found the Tree wch yields the Balsam of Tolu wch takes that name from a Smal Antient Village about 3 Leagues Distance from it, tho few trees grows in its Neighbour hood. They extract this Balsam by Making large Dents in the Bark of the Tree with a Cuttlas or a large knife, then leaves it for the Space of eight days. On the 9th they Return and fixes Spoons made of Calibash under wher they made ther Incisions then leaves them and Returns every 24 hours and emties whatever the Tree has yielded into a larger Vessel, & fixes it again. They Continue so to do till the tree has yielded al its Balsam. I have also Sown here Some of these Seeds but can’t as yet See yt they Grow, others I have for the use of the Colony, & some I have Sent Mr Miller. From this I went to Tolu by the Sea, ther I hired a large Boat & Came to Cartagena by Sea wher I arrived on the 21st of April & in 2 days after I sett out for this Island in one of the Company’s Snow’s.
I intended to have gone to La Vera Cruz by an Opportunity Which now offers, But Mr Hays a New factor would not allow My going in the Vessel with him, tho I had the Consent of Both the South Sea Agents here. He Said it was Contrary to his Orders to take any Person down with him, but these who belonged to the Vessel; So that I now stay for an Opportunity to go to Campechy220 wch I expect will offer Some time in July & from thence I go to Vera Cruz in one of the Spanish Coasting Vessels. This will be much the longest Voyage that I have yet made in your Service, Both by its Distance being So much to the Leeward & that few Vessels are Sent there; for the Ships that go to Campechy go directly from thence to England, and ther mayn’t perhaps be another Opportunity after this these 6 or 7 Months. However it Shal be my Sole endeavour to employ all My time in Obedience to your Instructions. In the mean time Begging your favourable acceptance of this.
Thomas Causton to the Trustees, June 20, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 309-310, Egmont 14201, pp. 37-44, concerning Indian and Spanish problems, the help of Col. Bull, hot weather, and illness.
May it please Yor Honours.
In my Letter dated in Aprill last I mentioned the Advices I reced from Capt [Patrick] Mackay and the Measures I had taken thereon; Since which I reced advice by private hands from Charles Town that the Governour of Augustine had wrote to the Governour of Carolina remonstrating,221 That Whereas, an English Captin in the Creek Nation had ordered some Indians to Act in an Hostile manner against the King of Spains Subjects and had killed one Spaniard, he had Ordered, that (if due Satisfaction was not made) 40 Indians and Some Spaniards to make Reprisalls on the Indians and English wherever they could find them. Another Advice from Tomochachi brought me word (with too much truth) that near the River Alatamaha, beyond Fort Argyle some of his People had been Sett upon in their Camp and 7 were killed. This was at first reported to be by the Euchees, But the Euchee Indian whom they said was among them, was at that time at home in the Town, And they are Convinct, that it was the Yamassees having been traced that way. These advices, compared with Mr Mackay’s Letter, gave us just Reasons to believe, the Spaniards were in Execution of the Threats from Augustine, And that those threats proceeded from what Mr Mackay mentions to have ordered in his former Advice.
I wrote again to the Severall Settlements to be upon their Guard, and Sent the Constables to Warn them of the Danger. And I hope the People will Continue their Watchfullness. At Ebenezer 6 men keep Guard every Night with a Day Centinell. At Hamsted and Highgate 1 Centinell night and day. At Skidowa 1 Centinell Night and day. I also advised with Captain [James] Macpherson, so soon as I reced Mr Mackay’s Letter, and I don’t doubt, but proper Care, is taken, on that River by him and the Scotch Settlement.
The Enclosed like wise came to my hands from Captain Mackay, and in 3 days more arrived 54 Indians of the Lower Creek nation. The Express who brought the Letter, brot also another for the Chief men of the Lower Nation by which they were desired to tarry till the Upper people came down, which I delivered myself at Tomochachi’s Town. Tomochachi was again uneasy believing Mr Mackay had again disappointed his Intentions and indeed I found, that tho’ Tomochachi had invited some of the Upper Nation he did not intend to have so many of them. The Lower Creeks refused to tarry, and be much out of humour, Saying, They had seen Mr Mackay before, they did not want to see him now. They come to see us, And if we did not want to see them, they would return back for they had business enough to mind, and Tomochachi said That these Lower people, were them he wanted. I thought it necessary to make Tomochachi sensible, That Mr Mackay was a very good man, and in great favour with your Honours, That as he had been sent into the Nations to do justice and preserve friend Ship between the Indians and the English, he certainly had discovered that those People whom he was bringing with him, as well as those already come, were deserving of notice, And that as he and we were now One People and lived together, those who were friends to us, were the best friends to him; therefore wished he would perswade them to tarry some few days to see if Mr Mackay would come. And in Conclusion I told him, That if he did not Approve of it my Orders were to Deliver the Goods to Such people as he should direct, and I was ready to do it.
As it is my Stedfast Resolution to keep to Your Honours Orders in all Cases as punctually as I can; I thought it absolutely necessary to do so now.
These Indians agreed to tarry 5 days, and no longer. Tomochachi complain’d That One Lika an Indian, had been sent by Captain Mackay to kill the Spaniard by which means, he had lost some of his People. It is true, that Lika, did go to a Spanish Fort, and kill a Centinell, Comitt some Outrages, and when he Returned to his Town sent a Runner to bring out the English Colours That he might enter his own Town with Colours flying. Some Indians in the Nation, who were in the Spanish Interest had threatened the Captain.
But as the Talk upon this Affair will be better related, when I am to speak of the Upper Nation, I beg leave to proceed with Regard to the Lower Nation; The day was come, which was appointed for their Publick Reception and delivery of the Presents.
As there was likely to be near 150 Indians I thought it necessary to make the best Appearance we could. I therefore Ordered Mr [Thomas] Young to Erect an Open Shed on the West Side of Johnson Square, with proper Benches and Tables for their Reception and Sorting out of the Presents. And as many People as could be got together, to be under Arms. We had on this Occasion near 200 Men under Arms, who behaved very well. The Manner thus: A Pettiaugua took ‘em on Board at Tomochachi’s house, and hoisted an Union Flag at the Main Mast head, and Landed them at Musgrove’s old House; The Master of the Pettiaugua then brought the Flag to Mr [John] Vanderplank, who hoisted it in the Middle of the Square. About 30 Gentlemen and others, as Volunteers marched under Arms, and Comand of Dr Patrick Tayflier [Tailfer] waited on the Indians to Salute them at their Landing and to tell them, The Magistrates were ready to Receive them.
The Body of the People by desire of Mr Vanderplank (were upon this Occasion Marshalled and Comanded by Mr [Noble ?] Jones) followed by the Volunteers with 20 Grenadiers at the Head, two Ensigns flying and two Drums beating, to Attend the Indians in their walk; The Grenadiers &c preceeted the Indians; And the whole Body brought up the Rear. When they came near to the Publick Landing, about one half of those in the Rear fyled off to come thro’ the other Streets into the Square directly, Drew up in two Lines to make a Lane, for the Indians to go up to the place of Reception. When the Indians came to the publick Landing 47 Cannon were fired.
I Beg leave to Referr you for the Particular Talk to Mr Recorder’s Minitts, which I have Examined. I have reason to belive they were well pleased. As I was doubtfull, what Impression, my Talk to Tomochachi had made on him, And what proportion of the Goods, he intended to give these, or whether, he would not resolve to give them all, I did not Suffer any to be brought out, but by his Order, And I askt him the proper questions on all the Particulars, And he Ordered One half to be brought out and the other half to be saved for the upper Nation when they came. This gave me great Satisfaction. They were delivered accordingly, And the Indians were Reconveyed to Tomochachi’s house in the same order that they came.
The two next Days were Spent in taking down a Talk, which is a Relation of the Rise and some Particular advantures of the Cussitaws,222 which they desired might be written on a Buffaloe Skin and Presented to Your Honours. I have put it together in as Genuine a Manner as I could, and hope it will be acceptable. I am promised a farther Account from the Hechitaws and Pallachucola’s which they say will be an Improvement to this.
I had wrote to Collonell [William] Bull to favour me with his advise in the present juncture, upon the Receipt of my Letter he acquainted the Council of Carolina of the Matter, That he was willing to go. But it being then Inconvenient for him, The Councill ordered, That the Treasurer should pay the Charge of his Boat and hands, and they desired him to come to us. Collonell Bull arrived here on the 14th day of June. Captain Mackay arrived on the 18th And the Indians on the 22d.
I had wrote to Mr [Paul] Jenys and Mr [Isaac] Chardon to Send me a true acct of what the Governour of Augustine had wrote. I reced no Answer from Mr Chardon, and Mr Jenys writes me word pr. Collonell Bull, that a Coppy of the Letter from Augustine with their Governour’s Answer was sent to me And that Collonel Bull would Acquaint me of the whole matter. I reced no Coppys of that kind, but Collonel Bull, told me in Substance what I have mentioned at the beginning of my Letter.
I now knew exactly what Tomochachi designed for these of the Upper Nation, But we were under some Pain, how these might be made Acceptable to so great a Number of this Nation, who had never been here before. Mr Mackay urged an Enlargement of the Presents, which at first mett with every Ones Approbation, as a Matter absolutely necessary and within Captain Mackay’s Instructions; This being one of the necessary Occasions wherein he was at any price to Secure the friendship of the Indians. But they changed their minds, when I told them, that the coming of these Indians was no more than to receive Such Goods as Your Honours had Enabled Tomochachi to give them, That in the Distribution of these, he had given One half to the Lower Nation and reserved the other half for this. And if these should at this time receive anything more than the other, It would be apt to create a jealousy in the first. I added further, that as the very man among them, who had killed the Spaniard, It might reasonably be published, he was thereby rewarded for it, and thereby conclude it was by Order of Captain Mackay as has been reported.
Collonell Bull and the Magistrates joyned with me, That we should be as Cautious to prevent any Suspition of our Rewarding a Man for such an Act, As we would be Carefull how we Slighted him, who would (in all probability) be ready to Serve us at any other time. And with humble Submission, I think it would have been better, if the Captain had not brought him at this time. His Coming here much Aggravated Tomochachi’s Uneasiness. We thought it necessary to give them a Talk in form, And accordingly drew up one in Writing. And when they were Seated I acquainted them, That the Magistrates of this Town, had Ordered Mr [Thomas] Christie the Recorder then Present, to Deliver the Talk to them by word of Mouth. These Indians were reced in the same form as the other and Tomochachi delivered the Goods to three of the Mico’s to be by them distributed According to their Discretion.
As Mr Christie will Send Your Honours the whole Talk, I beg leave to Inform you, That I have seen a Letter from Coll [Thomas] Broughton to Mr Mackay, wherein he desires that an Enquiry be made who killed the Spaniard. And am now going with the Magistrates to hear Tomochachi’s Complaint against Lika whereby we may be able to give him an Answer, of which I shall not fail to transmitt an Account in my next.
I reced a Letter from Mr [Gabriel] Manigault the Treasurer wherein he tells me, that the Councill had Ordered him to pay Collonell Bull’s Charges, and they Expected I would repay it. I imediately advised him, that I would repay it as soon as he would lett me know the sum.
The Merchants in Carolina are highly disgusted, with Captain MacKay for removing some of the Traders in the Creek Nation and give out, that a great many Traders and an Agent will be speedily sent into the Indian Nation. But as this is only the Talk of some who speak as Intrest directs their Wishes, I cannot say we creditt nor think of Opposing it, till the time comes.
The weather has been very hott, and we have had very little Rain which will make a Thin Harvest. This is a generall Complaint, but more in Carolina than here. Some of Our People have been ill, chiefly with Agues, Malignant Feavers, and some fluxes; I bless God, tho’ some have dyed, many more recover. With this comes a Coppy of the Register, and my whole Cash Account to Midsummer; As I have now got matter into pretty good Order I shall be able to send a Cash Account and all Draughts Monthly. The Captain waits for my Letter and I beg leave to Subsribe myself.
P.S. The Capt tarrying longer than expected I beg leave to acquaint you, that we have examined into Tomochachi’s Complaint and have sent it exactly in writing, As it was taken from the Mouths of him, and Lika, In the Presence of the Magistrates and Captain Mackay, And hearing of all the Chief Men of the Upper Nation, And John Barton Mr Mackay’s Interpreter. Yor Honours will See by this Enquiry, the whole matter of the Spaniard is owing to Barton. We have taken Security of him to answer for it, in such manner, As Yor Honours shall Direct.
I Suppose Mr Mackay will clear it up.
Thomas Young to the Trustees, June 22, 1735, [Savannah], C.O. 5/637, pp. 98-99, concerning his public work in Savannah and asking for a salary and servants to help him.
I Should Be Wary [very] Ungrateful if I did Nott Return My Great God, thanks, And your Honours for Sending me here to a Place Ware Noe Man Can Starve But to the Contrary Live In Plenty, if he Will Work as I doe. For I doe asure your Honours I work Dayly And, that Wary hard, and, Yett God, be pressed, have ad [had] My health Ever Sence I have Been heer; And all the publick Work that his [is] done for your honours his Done by Or My orders; and, the great Charge of My family Increasing; for When I Came here I was Single.
But Since God, has Blesed, me With a Wife and three Children: Wich in, Every Year a further Charge; Wich I hope your Honours will take into Consideration, that I have a Lott for to Improve, And, Another for My Grandson Thos Eggerton Whom his but a youth, Besides My home to take Care of Wich I May Build In time, Because tis My trade; But tis Wary hard, Without healp to Cultivate all these Lands Without help. And his honor Esqr Eglethorp, Before he Whent away And Before I ad Soe Large a family, Did promise me that E Wold Lay before your honours My Case and that he Wold, Send me a Cople of Servants, In Order to Cultivate My Land; that as I Grow Old, I May Not Leave my family Destitute; for Wile I Live I will doe Soe as to take Care that the Care that they Shall have Something after My Death; Wh Your Honours Benavolence Wich I hope your Honours Will take Into Consideration.
I Wold Not have Trubled Your Honours Eney More, But When Esqr Oglethorp was hear E Made Me Wealright Wich Belongs to the train of Artilary Wich always ad Some Small Salary, and Likewise the Care of the town And, Guns for Wich I have Ad, Noe Other gratuety But My Labour. I wont Truble Your honour More but hope Your Honors Will think of Me And My family And Wee Shall for Ever pray for Your Honours And, Continew your honours Most Obedient and Most Humble Servant.
Isaac Chardon to the Trustees, June 25, 1735, Charles Town, received Aug. 6, 1735, C.O. 5/637, pp. 106-107, concerning drafts for Georgia expenses.
According to advice by my Last of the 5 Instant I now Transmitt with this Letter your Accounts for the quarter ending This day and there Remains due to me upon Ballance for Provissions purchased and Drafts paid Thomas Causton for the Use of your Colony £ 318. 7. 8½ Sterling, for which Sum I have drawn upon you payable unto Messrs Peter & J. C. Simonds or Order of this days date to day being the 26th. I’ve also drawn upon you payable unto the Said Peter & J. C. Simonds or Order for three hundred pounds Sterling provission Money, to pay off those drafts of Mr Caustons which are not yet come to hand, I am under a Necessity of Acting thus now, for oft Times Mr Causton’s Drafts are Tendered to me before I am Advised thereof, and I am without Money except my Own. Which I have hitherto generally advanced but hardly find it Tentamount to the Allowance that you’re pleased to make me, for Transacting your Georgia affaires. So I humbly beg Leave if you approve thereof, that I may continue from Time to Time to make Such provission money as the Necessitys of your Colony require whilst I’ve the honour to Serve you.
The Rev. Samuel Quincy to Harman Verelst, June 28, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, pp. 117-118, Egmont 14201, pp. 45-47, concerning the glebe in Georgia and his clerical duties.
I had the Favr of a Letter from you dated 13 Deer 1734, but did not receive it till the latter end of May, & therefore cou’d not possibly Answer it before now. I return a great many Thanks The Honble the Trustees for their Kindness to me in Ordering the Glebe to be fenced, & did according to their Command look out for fit Persons to Undertake it. But Mr [Noble] Jones, our Surveyor, has run out for the Glebe a very differt Parcel of Land from wt Mr Oglethorpe Shew’d me, wch was som of the best Land near the Town, taking in a small Quantity of Pine-Barren, and running into a Cane & Cypress Swamp, wc is ye richest & most profitable Land in this Country. Instead of this Mr Jones has run out the whole 300 Acres in Pine-Barren lying in ye Road between this Town & Highgate, & he says that Mr Oglethorpe ordered it so; but I am very certain that it is not the Land Mr Oglethorpe shew’d me, & dare say Mr Oglethorpe himself will readily recollect that it is not the same. When he did me the Favour to shew me the Land, he told me he intended for the Glebe, there went with us Mr Holzindorf a Gentm from Purrysbourg, whom Mr Oglethorpe was then abt making an Agreemt with to get it fenced by People from Purrysbourg. Mr Holzindorf still remembers the Land very perfectly, & I doubt not but this Circumstance may renew it in ye Memory of Mr Oglethorpe. The Land that is now run out for the Glebe is the worst of Pine-Barren hereabouts, & I have had the Opportunity to consult Colo [William] Bull, a Planter from Carola whether it will be worth ye Fencing, & he assures me that it will not, and that ye Money so laid out will be thrown away. The cheapest that a Worm Fence will cost to inclose ye whole will be £ 90 Ster. & this to be intirely renew’d once in 7 Years, for the best Fence will last no longer. I have therefore put a Stop to ye Work, till The Honble the Trustees will be so good as to ascertain where the Glebe shall be. The Land Mr Oglethorpe shew’d me is already run out into 5 Acre Lots for other People, who are setled upon it, & have improv’d part of it.
If the Glebe is to be Pine-Barren, it will never turn to any Profit; for the largest scope of it, unless in the Spring, & beginning of the Summer will afford no Pasturage; for in ye height of Summer all the Grass is burnt up, execept that wch ye Cattle can’t eat. commonly call’d (for its Resemblance thereto) Wire-Grass, & it does not recover again till the Spring; So that for 7 or 8 Months no Cattle can live upon Pine Barren, but are forced to seek their Food in distant Places, amgt the Cane-Swamps; The Tops of the Canes & other Herbage affording them very good Feed, in low & moist Places.
This Sort of Land is as little good for Planting as it is for Pasturage; for Pine-Barrn unless it has a Clay Bottom a little below the Surface, by wch means it retains a Moisture in dry Seasons, will not bear hardly any thing; but if it is thus mix’d wth Clay wch is the Case of some Pine-Barren, it will bear Indian Corn, Potatoes, Caravansies,223 & other American Grain, & Fruits pretty well, especially in wet Seasons. But the Pine-Barren, hereabouts is a perfect Sand for more than 20 foot deep, & therefore is not worth Improveing at any Expce.
The poor Saltzburgers at Ebenezer have had sufficient Experience of the Badness of this Sort of Land; who hitherto lost all their Labour, tho’ they have been very industrious. They have themselves represented their unhappy Condition by Letters to ye Society for Promoting Xtian Knowledge, wch I suppose will be represented by them, to the Honble the Trustees.
You inform me, Sir, that The Honble The Trustees, desire I wd send them the same Accts of my Parish as I am obliged to send to ye Society for Propagating the Gospel. I shd not so long have delay’d these Accts but that I did not know till very lately my Duty in this Matter; for when I left Engd the Secretary, Dr Humphreys, did not supply me wth one of the Books wherein the proper Instructions for Missionarys are contained, & therefore I was ignorant of many necessary things to be known, till lately in Conversatn wth one of the Missionarys from Carolina, he inform’d me that I was obliged to write twice a Year. I am now ignorant of the Accts expected any farther than they appear by the Pieces of Letters published at ye end of the Anniversary Sermons; where I find yt the chief things taken Notice of, are the Number of Christenings, the Number of Hearers & Communicants. As to the Number of Hearers, I reckon abt 20 that are pretty constant, & other accidental Comers sometimes make up 40, & sometimes 50. The Excuse of People for not Coming to Church, is the Want of a convenient Place of Worship, & indeed if they were at all zealous to perform this Duty, the Place wd not hold them; for it will not contain more than 100, & we might reasonably expect, according to our present Numbers, not less than 300. As for Communicants I have had sometimes 5 or 6, & last Easter Sunday there were 14, & on Whitsunday 12. The Number of Christenings in the Colony, since I arrived here to this present time have been 34; The Number of Burials 156, & the Number of Marriages 38, as appears by ye Register. I return you, Sr, a great many Thanks for your Kindness in forwarding several Letters to me from my Mother, & particularly for your Writing to her, wth Mr Rogers, to whom pray present my humble Service. I heartily wish you all Happiness.
James Dean224 to Harman Verelst, June 30, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, p. 120, asking help in getting a servant.
I take the Freedom to beg your Favour to back My humble Petition to the Honr The Trustees for a Servant. I Should be Glad of one Gratis but if it cant be done at such rate I beg that I may have one Sent me on Credit to pay the Amount at his Arrival here or soon after. I have desired Capt Coram to Assist me with his Interest & that he would please to desire Mr Vernon to back My Petition. Please therefore to Consult with those Gentlemen the best means to obtain the Favour desird & that if any of our Trade come to Offer themselves at the Office that you would then please to think of me.
I have sent the Petition to Cap Coram by wch youll See how much My Family hath been Afflicted with Illness wch has been a very great Loss to me—& Therefore Recommend my Case to your Consideration & Remain Most humbly.
P.S. If possible please to get the Twelve Months Allowed out of the Store for Servants.
Paul Amatis to the Trustees, June 30, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, pp. 121-124 (partial copy pp. 129-130), Egmont 14201, pp. 97-103, containing complaints against Thomas Causton and Amatis’ troubles as Trustees’ gardner.
I am Constrain’d against my Inclination to trouble your Honrs with this Letter occassion’d through the Spite & Malicious Endeavours of Mr Causton to Teaze & Perplex me.
The Honle Mr Oglethorpe assured me when he was last at Charles Town that you had Ten Servants here, Six of wch were to be Employd according to your orders, & the four others under my Directions to Clear Cultivate & put in a proper & an handsome order Your Garden here, but Since Capt [George] Dunbar’s Arrival Six of the Servants have been taken from the Garden to Serve at the Crane, wch Service if I am not Mistaken has been of Little Use to your Interest, for they have Chiefly been Employd in making Pitch & Tarr for Causton & Compa. As for the four wch I were to keep in your Garden under my direction, Mr Causton & Mr [Joseph] Fitzwalter have Generally Employd them, for their Pleasure. I have Complaind to both at Sundry times but I have always been abused with Ill words for having your Interest & my Duty at heart.
Yesterday & the day before having Removed to another house to be nearer to your Garden I took two of your Servants to help me in moving my Goods wch Action of mine was so displeasing to Causton that he was Resolvd to Revenge himself, & not having Sufficient Authority to do it on me he Imediately fixes the Same on the two Servants on a Pretence of not coming when he Sent for them, and for Killing Some Hoggs in your Garden who had done a Considerable Damage there, and for which I ordered the Servants whenever they came again to kill them, wch Accordingly they did in Obedience to the order I gave them wch my Duty & your Interest obliged me to do, Those Hoggs having destroyd abundance of young Trees, Plants Melons &c. The Trees being of very great value & hard to raise I thought the Loss of the Hoggs was no proportion to the Value thereof but Still to make it Less. Notice was Imediately given as Soon as Kill’d, that the Owners might take em up, & make the most they could of em. So that in Short, it was little or no Loss to them but to your Garden it was a very Considerable one—and might still have been Encreasing had I not prevented it in time. Mr Causton Imediately (& I beleive without any Tryal) Ordered the two Servants to be Ty’d to Trees one of them was unmercifully Whipt with 101 Lashes wch made him utter Such Cries & Groans that I could not bear to hear him. The other had 21 Lashes, was a Poor Sickly Fellow who was not yet Recovered of a Feaver & Could hardly Crawl. So much Barbarity & Cruelty wch I never was Acquainted with, & wth wch I did not think that an English man could be So Tyranical to Inflict together wth the many Insults I have received & the many more I may perhaps Expect made me Resolve to Retire to Purysburgh. For I perceive the Colony will Greatly Suffer under the Administration of a Man who Seems to think no pleasure so Great as Punishing with the Utmost Severity but Shews no Delight in any Kind Actions.
I wish that before a Trustee or Some Eminent Person arrives here, Some Dissorders may not happen. My reason for retiring to Purysburgh is partly that I may no ways have any hand or be in the way to have any Concern, or be Wrapt up in the Dispute. Animosities & perhaps worse that may happen here. Tis Generally Wishd that your Honnrs Quickly Send a Person of worth weight & Prudence to Govern this Place according to Justice & ye Laws of Great Britain.
To you Therefore as Patrons & Fathers of this Colony, We must apply to Redress our Greivances, and to provide for the Security & Welfare of an Infant Colony, who might be a rising one, has the best Prospect of it now, if not Crush’d through the Cruelty &c. of a Person Unqualified for Government.
Let the Consequence be what it will, when I Leave this Place, I Shall Still Study, Contrive & put in Execution all in my Power for the Benefit of your Garden, & will Still Visit the Same as often as I can that I may have the Glory of being Instrumental to the Good of So many poor Families in Particular & to ye whole Kingdom of Great Britain in General.
I dont design to get any more Silk Spin’d till I hear from your Honnours to whom I have writ many Letters without having the Pleasure of an Answer or till another Person arrives here who may be more Civiliz’d & hath a greater desire to do Justice & get the good will of the People as well as make his Fortune.
Please to Enquire of my Character either at Purysburgh or here or both, I Except none but Causton & Fitzwalter & I will Stand or Fall thereby.
Your Honnrs may depend the Silk Manufacture will do Extreamly well here if Encouraged but Some Small additionl Charges is Required as the Same goes forward: & without Money I can do nothing. I conceive that youll never Suffer So Beneficial an Undertaking wch has so great a Prospect to Fail for want of your Countenance, Encouragement or Supply of Money. I am not begging for my Self, but for the Benefit & Advantage of all those who Shall have a Share in the Success & Blessing of this Undertaking.
I must beg Pardon if I take too great a Freedom in Expressing my Self thus. That it is highly Necessary that I Should have a Sufficient Number of Servants under my Care no ways at the Command of any other whatsoever & That I Should be Supply’d Sufficiently to Pay the Necessary Charges wch two Articles if your Honnrs please to Grant me. I am big with Hopes of Seeing my Labour & Industry Crown’d with Success with Less Charges & Cost than Tybee Light house on wch has been Laid out of the Publick Money abt Fifteen hundred Pounds Sterling & has not Two foot built above Ground nor according to Humane Appearance the Work will never come to a Period till a Trustee or a man of Prudence weight & Judgment comes here. Whereas My Labour & Industry plainly appears to all Mankind that will take the trouble of Looking into it.
If you fail in what I desire I plainly Declare that to my very great Sorrow & the Loss Vast as it will be to the Colony I cant Expect any good from this Undertaking.
Tis about Six Months Since Fitzwalter has done any Service in your Garden and I dare him to Shew that he has done the Value of Five Pounds Sterling Service there. I thought Considering his Pay, he might have Endeavoured to have done something for it.
Let me beg of yor Honnrs to let me hear from you that I may know how to Steer my future Course & Endeavour to give you the best Satisfaction I can.
I have not Sent you my Journl Least it might fall into ye hands of Mr Causton & he Should keep it back it being Hazarduous & almost not to be Expected to have Free Conveyance of Letters. The People here Look on this as a Greivance not to born in England & from wch they hope yor Honnrs will releive them. I do not at present Enter into his other Affairs tho as to his Accounts Some will Venture to Say, if a Strict Enquiry is made he will be found Wanting. However tis not my business. I am only Carrying on the Work that I have began So Long wished for in England, even the Establishing the Silk Manufacture in this Infant Colony.
P.S. July 7. This Moment I receive a Letter from Charles Town that my Bills on your Honnrs cannot be Negotiated wch is a Vast Disapointment to me. Please to Consider that it is a hard Case for me to Lay out Money out of my own Pocket to Serve the Colony without taking a Farthing of Interest, and when I am in the Utmost want of it Cannot get it in. I beg you would Remove this Difficulty, otherwise it will be my Ruin & I must of Course Abandon all that I have already done with so much Pains & Cost.
In order to Carry on the Silk Manufacture next year I shall want about Thirty Thousand Bricks wch may Easily come in the Ships from London & is to build a Fabrique in the manner as is done in Italy.
7 July Copy of Mr Isaac Chardons Receipt
Receiv’d Feb. 13, 1734 of Mr Paul Amatis his Note of hand of this Date payable the 25th May 1735. for Three hundred & Eighty one Pounds 8/-which when paid will be the Ballance due to me to this Day.
£ 381. 8.—
To Pay Mr Chardon I have sent him my Account on yor Honnours for £ 399. 8. Currancy due to me the first of June last for wch he was to draw on you for my last Quarter wch if he has done I am no ways Indebted to him but he is rather in my debt Eighteen Pounds Currancy. I dont see therefore why a Warrant Should be Servd on me ye Copy of ych is on ye other side, when I intended not to Depart this Colony but if I am always Used thus it will be the only way to Send me out of ye Colony for I never will Stay here Long, if Causton Uses me as he does others who are not in a Capacity to help themselves but I know that in Carolina I Shall always be Respected & all due & proper Encouragement given to my Industry.
To John Vanderplank Constable & all others whom it may Concern.
You are hereby Commanded to bring Paul Amatis So that he appear personally before the Baylifs and Recorder of this Town, at the next Court to be holden for this Township, then & there to Answer the Complaint of Isaac Chardon in an Action of Account for One Hundred Pounds Currancy and for your So doing this is your Sufficient Warrant; Certifying what you Shall do in ye Premises. Given under my hand & Seal the 17th Day of June 1735
THO CHRISTIE (L S
You are likwise not to Suffer him to Depart this Town without order from Some one of the Magistrates.
James Dean to Trustee Thomas Coram, June 30, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, pp. 125-127, asking that a servant be sent to him and enclosing a petition to the Trustees to the same effect.
I take the Freedom to Aquaint you of my Affairrs here your kindness in recommending me to the Trust Enduces me to it.
My Son & almost all my Family have been Sick the greatest part of the first year after our Arrival. My Son is Since married, so cant help me now, that he has his health.
The Boy you was pleased to send me is very Usefull to go to Errand; but he is so little & weak that he is of very little or no help at all in the Carpenter’s business.
What Improvement I have already made hath been in a handsome Genteel manner, and I would Greatly Improve my Town Lot wch Joins to My Son’s in a pleasant part of the Town had I a Servant Able to help me.
I must therefore beg your Favour & Assistance to procure me a Servant on Credit if it be too great a Favour to Expect it from the Trust Gratis. I will in Such Case pay ye Charges of his Sending of him here at his Arrival or soon after. If Could get him ye Allowance of Twelve Months Allowed to others out of the Pub. Store twould be a very great Favour but without I would Still Acknowledge the Same to be a very great help to me & My Family, and I humbly beg that your Solicitations in this Affairr may not be wanting which will for ever be Acnowledged with Gratefull thanks.
[P.S.] Inclosed is a Petition to The Honle Trustees for ye favour I desire & I beg you would please to get the Interest of Mr Vernon to back it by whose means I was Allowed Some Money for Tools & Books when on my departure for this Place. Mr Verelst used me also in a very kind manner & hope he will not forget me if in his Power.
Please to give my Service to Mr Dean ye Boys Friend that Recomended him to you & Let him know that he runs away often to the Indians Lies in the Woods & hath hitherto provd a bad Servant Notwithstanding all mine & my Wifes Care to prevent it So that hitherto I have had little or no Service of him but he Seems as if he would Mend, wch I hope he will.
To The Honble Trustees for Establishing the Colony of Georgia—
The Humble Petition of Ja. Dean of the Town of Savannah Carpenter
That your Petitioners Family having been greatly Afflicted with Sickness for Some time and having no Servant able to help him in his Improvements already made, & intended to be made Most Humbly beg that your Honnrs will be pleased to Send him one either Gratis, or on Credit to pay at his Arrival here, or soon after For wch as in Duty Bound he Shall ever Pray &c.
Noble Jones to the Trustees, July 1, 1735, Savannah, received Aug. 25, 1735, C.O. 5/637, pp. 132-134, Egmont 14201, pp. 49-55, concerning land surveying and his troubles with Robert Parker, Sr. and Jr., about the location of their lands.
The Brigantine Capt [William] Thomson being Ready to Sail from this place with Mr [John] West I take this Opertunity to Obedience to Yr Honours Commands of Acquainting you with the State of Affairs here, as far as Relate to Me, which My Duty long before Required but the Occasion of My Omitting was that I Cou’d by No Means Gett My Platts finished, which I know Yr Honours wou’d Expect and which as soon as possible I will send (Some being almost Ready).
Before Mr Oglethorpe went from Hence Amongst other Orders he told me that Mr. Robt. Parker Senr. had his licence to Erect a saw mill on any of those Creeks that lay abt. Thunderbolt, soon after this he told me that Mr. Parker had fixt upon the Creek that lay between thunderbolt & Savannah, that I Shou’d lay out a forty five Acre farm-lott on the blough [bluff] adjoyning for his Son Edward Parker, and thatt all the Remainder of the said blough, that was left after the lower New Ward was suply’d with farm-lotts, whou’d be admeasur’d, that Mr. Parker Senr. should Pettition Yor. Honours and that I shou’d sett forth on the back of ye said Pettition, the Platt & Contents of such Compliment of Land in Order to obtain a Grant from Yor. Honours for the same.
Soon after Mr Oglethorpe was Gone Mr Parker Came to Me as I was Going Up Savannah River and Desired a Pasage with me to Purrisburgh. In the Passage we had Some Discourse about his Mill, and As we Came between litle Yamasee & Purrysburgh there it is a Short Cutt of Creek, we Att his Desire Stopt and view’d it well. He resolved he said to Erect his mill there, for it wou’d save him the trouble & Charge of flotes, for he wou’d fix it fast. I told him it was Contrary to Mr Oglethorpes Directions to me, but that I was sure yr Honours was Ever willing [to] promote any thing that was for the good of any Man, Especially when it was Supposed to be for public benefitt, that if Pettition’d he need nott Doubt a Grant. He said he had private instructions that wou’d protect him farther than thatt. I did Not Say Much in Contradiction because I thought it Could Hinder Nothing, the Creek being att present Stopt with Timber that lyes there, the Island it Makes being very Small, & that overflow’d with the freshes, therefore Unfit for any Cultivation att present.
I heard No More of it for I believe 6 weeks or 2 Months when one Day being in Town Mr Causton Ask’t Me If I knew where Mr Parker had sett his Mill I told him I Suppos’d in the above Creek. He said he was inform’d otherways for that it was in Abercorne River Somewhere Above the Town. We Mett Mr Rob’t Parker Junr who we Askt abt it, he Said it was So & that his father had instructions from Mr Oglehtorpe to Sett it where he pleas’d. I desir’d to know if it were Posible to see those Instructions, he Said they were verbal. I then Said Mr Parker had Acted Ungenerously with Me for So Doing for that he well Knew how Angry Mr Oglethorpe had been with Me for believing his father, (without a Written Order, or a Regular Petition to the Trustees) when he Said he Came Imediately from him and that I Shou’d Now Much fear, whether the Trustees would Not be Very Angry with Me, If I Shou’d Not Stop itt, till I had Rec’d Orders about it. He in a heat told Us that he was a Lieutenant and Men Under his Command that he wou’d protect his father, and Dispute his Title Other where. Mr Causton and Myself both told him that Passion Nor his Command wou’d Avail but Litle, that I was Sure I cou’d easily Raise a Stronger force to Defend & maintain the law & lawfull commands than I believed was in the Power of any man to Oppose; but that Since his father had Unadvisedly begun, it wou’d be his best Way to Pettition to Yr Honours for a Grant of Some land at that place with Leave for his Mill, that If he wou’d, As soon as Such Pettition was Ready I wou’d Endorse it and Discribe the place in Order to prevent its being Dispos’d of to Any other and Advised him to be as Expeditious as he Cou’d for fear Some person Shou’d Come Over with Such Grant. I afterw’d went Up to the Mill and Advised his father to the Same, and att Severall other times Did the Same but as yet cou’d Never perswade him to do it, tho’ he was present When Mr Oglethorpe gave orders that the way for any person here to Get a Lease of any Trust or a grant of any Vacant Land was to be by a pettition to Your Honours which pettition I was to Endorse & the land to Discribe, in Order to Set Forth to Yr Honours that the said Pettition was for land yet Vacant & Unrunn out, I perticularly Did My Endeavour to perswade him to write to Mr Oglethorpe in Exuse for his Rashness. His Constant Reply was that his Interest was So good with the Trustees, that it was out of the Power of any Man, to hinder any thing he Desired, And that he had Writt & Daily Expected an Answer, in Expectation of which [Sic] till I am now affraid yr Honours shou’d want Mr Account of the Affair.
While Mr Oglethorpe was at Charles Town he sent me Directions in Writting for all those Gentlemen that had Grants and fixt their Minds toward thunderbolt, to Sett out their lands According to the Priority of Such their Grants. Among the Rest Mr [Will] Sale was one, but soon After Mr Sales Death, Mr Robt Parker Junr Came to Me and told Me that he was going to be Marryed to ye Wido Sale, and therefore Desired to know where Mrs Sales Land was to be. I told Him, he Reply’d that wou’d Not Do for him for he wou’d Not live on the Salts & that Mr Sales Grant Entituled him to five hund Acres of land where Ever he thought fit, and therefore he was Resolved to go and Setle att the place where his father had begun to Sett his Mill. I told him I Could Not pretend to Say what Right Mr Sale Might have at his first Landing, but I Aprehend’d Mr Sales Making a Choice, on a particular place, During Mr. Oglethorpe’s Residence, Took off all pretensions from the Widow or any other, to change without a licence from Your Honours first had.
Presently After, Upon his Marriage, he came & Demand’d Such land in his Own Name Afterward Offer’d Me as a present five Guineas beside my fees. My Constant Answer was, it was Not in My Power, that if it had, tho’ My fees were too Small, Yet I Shou’d have been as willing to have Done it without a bribe as with. I withall told him that I Cou’d Do No Other than Give him the Same Advice I had Done his father, to Pettition Yr Honours for Such his Desire, but he att all times seemed to Me to be Above Such a Condesension. About the begining of December last, he Came to Me, that Now he had a Mind to go and Live on the Salts provided the place pleas’d him. I Aquainted him that in A Day or two I was going to Scidowa that I wou’d at the Same Time go and Shew him the place. Accordingly we went, but when We Came to Scidowaa he told me in Short terms, he wou’d Let Nobody Choose for him, so he took one of the Scout boat men to Pilott him away he went, (while I was finishing for ye People at Scidwa) was gone 2 Days. At his Return he told me, he liked No Land Unless on Skidwaa, that if [I] wou’d run it there, I might then do it before I went home. I Asured him I was Very Ready to Do it was it Not Contrary to My instructions, but that it was a Requisite to Obtain a licence for that, as it was for it at his fathers Mill. He flew in a passion, Used Much Scurrilous Language Concerning Mr Oglethorpe and the Setlement, Said he wou’d Not have any land in this Province, for that he Cou’d buy a Large tract of better land, (Under A better tenure) in Carolina for a Small Matter which he was Resolv’d to Do, and if I run any land for him he wou’d Not take it. Away he went in that passion to town but as I was inform’d Vented a litle More of his Spleen at thunderbolt.
I heard No More of him till After Capt [George] Dunbar Arrived when going up with Mr Causton & Capt Dunbar, to See his fathers Mill I found he had taken possession and Said he was Resolved to keep it, I told him that he Must Nor do that, without Such licence, as I had before Urged him, So Much to gett from Yr Honours, that If he had writt, when I first Advised to Do it, he Might have had Answers long before then, but Nevertheless since he had begun to do Something which was the first work he had done, I Advised him to leave it as it was and go Down to town, where he had Good lands both the town & Garden lots (which to this Day, are No forwarder, in any one thing than they were the Day they were Granted to him). As Also Mr Sales Town lot, which is fenced in with a good frame of a Hut on it, Mr Sales Garden Lot Abt two Acres of which is Clear’d and fenced, a Good Hut quite built on it. Instead of Agreeing to Such Advise, he Said he wou’d keep that possession and Enquire of the Trustees, by what Authority any one had to turn him Out.
At length Mr Causton Advised him, Not to be Angry with Me, for I only Did My Duty, and that if I pull’d his building Down it was No More than a Discharge of Such Duty, and Refer’d him to his father, if he had Not heard Mr Oglethorpe Give Me Such Orders, and withall told him that he apprehend’d it was the wrong way to Expect the Trustees Shou’d Grant that which he force had taken, and the Trustees Put No Person into any Office whatsoever, but with intent, that they shou’d Obey their Orders, and Not to Comply with the whims of every one that was like him, who Did Not know their own Minds twenty four hours together. After this we Seem’d friends, Dined together. The Next Day he brought his Servants Down to Savannah and there Continued, without Doing any thing till the Servants Urg’d him to set them abt some sort of work which he At last fixt on Sawing tho they Chose to Clear More land & Plant that they had Clear’d for their late Master Sale.
Gentlemen I have wrote more largely Concerning these two gentlemen than I Shou’d Otherways have Done, because by that letter I happen’d to Seize the Seventh of March last (a Copy of which I Sent Your Honours in Closed in Mr Caustons) I find he lays the whole fault of his Own Mismanagement on Mr Causton & My Self.
I Assure Your Honours the Above Is the True State of that Affair as far as the Same Relates to Me.
I Humbly begg Your Honours Instructions How to Act in this, and all other Affairs of this Nature.
Mr Causton Desired Me to give Your Honours A Discription of the Mill and its Scituation. First as to the Mill, there is Nothing New in the Design, it is Not on flotes, as he pretended he wou’d Sett it, but Yet if he had Employ’d good workmen or Understood Work himself, it Might have Answer’d, But he wou’d take No Advise, So that in ye Oppinion of Me & Every one here that have Any knowledge of Workmenship, there is No part except ye water wheel (which is well made) fit for Such a Use, and that if he Shou’d ever Set it to work the whole wou’d tumble to Peices, before it had Cut half the Stuff as wou’d pay for the Building.
As to the Scituation it is on a fine blough [bluff] (about 6 Miles by Water Above abercorne but I believe Not Above 2 in a Strait Course by land) on the Creek Mark’t B. in the Plat of Abercorne. It is a fine bold Creek, has Many fine bloughs fit for Towns (perticularly one abt Seven Miles Above the Mill, 30 foot or Upwd High, the Top All High Land for Miles together Extending it Self always). It runs with Many turnings thro’ into Savannah River Abt 8 Miles Above Purrisburgh, About 2 Miles below a fine Blough Called Hoggs Crawl, and Abt 4 Miles below the entrance into Ebenezer River (at the Mouth of which is also a fine High blough). I am of Opinion that was the Creek Clear it wou’d be the Easiest if Not the Shortest way for the trading boats going Up to the Nations, as well as to Ebenezer. The Creek is Certainly Convenient for Mills, but then they Might be So Set, as Not for one to hinder the whole Navigation. I hope before Long to Send Your Honours a Draught of the whole.
I have Run ye land of Most of the people who have any title here at present and hope ‘ere long to finish, which I had Done before Now had I Not had ye Misfortune, of Being Weak handed, Occassioned by ye Sickness & Death of Servants.
Mr Causton Aquainted Me that it was Yr Honours Desire, to have an Account of My proceedings, as often as possible; which I Shall take All Oppertunity to perform, and Begg leave, to Assure Yr Honours, that None Shall be More Ready to Obey, that, and All Other Your Honours Commands, as Soon As possible, After they Come to My Knowledge.
The Rev. Samuel Quincy to the Rev. Henry Newman, July 4, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, pp. 142-144, Egmont 14201, pp. 65-67, concerning counterfeit money paid to the Rev. John Martin Bolzius, religious society of young men in Savannah, and the Jews in Georgia.
I reced your favour by Captn Lusk Sometime Since, together with a Box of Small Tracts from the Honble Society. I sent to Mr Bolzius according to Order 100 Journals, and some of the tracts against Popery which he desired, and shall be ready to deliver to him as many more of them as he thinks will be Serviceable to his people.
Mr Bolzius desires me to acquaint you, that he humbly begs the assistance and direction of the Honble Society in an affair that has lately happen’d to him. Mr Montagute having an order to pay Mr [John M.] Bolzius a Sum of Money, and not being well acquainted with the Carolina Currency had reed Counterfeit Bills. Which false Bills, not knowing them to be Such, he paid to Mr Bolzius, to the number of 8 or 9 £ 15 Bills which amounts to £ 16. or 18 Sterl. money. This loss is like to fall upon Mr Bolzius; for he having kept the Bills by him 3 Months, not Suspecting that they were bad; when he would have return’d them Mr Montagute absolutely refus’d to take them, because of the distance of time; Alledging that if he Should do it, all the Counterfeit Bills in the Province might be brought to him. Our Magistrates have given it as their opinion that Mr Montagute ought to make the Bills good; but he refuses to Stand to their Determination, and they cannot oblige him, because he belongs, to Purrysbourg and is not under the Jurisdiction of their Court. Mr Bolzius begs directions how to proceed in this affair; such a loss would be heavy upon him in his present Circumstances.
I have endeavour’d to inform myself as much as possible concerning what you write, that I might acquaint the Honble Society therewith, Viz. whether we have any Romish Missionaries from Home that keep a Correspondence here; but I Cannot find that there are any. We have Several persons Supposed to be Roman Catholicks, and Some known to be Such; but if they carry on any designs of Proselyting others, it is extremely private, and I rather believe there is no Such Design; because Religion seems to be the least minded of anything in the place; and if there were any such thing afoot, I apprehend there would at least be more of the face of it. Since I have reced your Letter I have put my Clerk who is a Sober young man, upon getting a Society of other young men, to meet every Sunday Night, which they have done for about 6 weeks past to the number of 7 or 8 of them, after the example of Some Societies in London. Their method is to read the Epistles and Gospels for the day with Comments upon them, to Say the Evening Service with a Collect composed for the occation and Confer on what they have heard. I look upon this, by the blessing of God, to be one likely means, to preserve them from being tainted with Errors. And if there are any designing persons of the Romish Communion it may be a means of discovering them, because, as I have heard it observ’d, they frequently mix themselves with Such young Societies. I shall therefore narrowly watch over them, and often visit them to give them Instructions and directions.
You desire in one of your Letters to know whether the Jews amongst us seem inclined to imbrace Christianity. We have here two sorts of Jews, Portuguese and Germans. The first having professed Christianity in Portugal or the Brazils, are more lax in their way, and dispense with a great many of their Jewish Rites, and two young men, the Sons of a Jew Doctor, Sometimes come to Church, and for these reasons are thought by some people to be inclined to be Christians, but I cannot find that they really are So, only that their education in those Countries where they were oblig’d to appear Christians, makes them less rigid and Stiff in their way. The German Jews, Who are thought the better Sort of them, are a great deal more Strict in their way, and rigid observers of their Law. Their kindness shew’d to Mr [John M.] Bolzius and the Saltzburgers, was owing to the Good temper and humanity of the people, and not to any inclination to Change their Religion, as I can understand. They all in general behave themselves very well, and are industrious in their business.
I have by this opportunity convey’d Letters from Mr Bolzius & Mr [John] Vat; which I believe are Chiefly on the Subject of their Lands. I mention’d in a Letter which I hope you have long Since receiv’d Something of the Same Matter. Their Dependence is very much on the Honble Society to use their Interest with the Trustees, to get them removed to a more fertile Soil, without which they have no prespect of ever Subsisting themselves.
Samuel Eveleigh to William Jeffreys, July 4, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, pp. 145-146, Egmont 14201, pp. 69-72, concerning Indian and lumber trade in Georgia.
I have been at this place about two Months in Expectation of some Vessels, one of which the Oglethorpe arrived here two Days since from Jamaica with Rum, Lime juice, Sugar, Melasses &c; to which place I again design her with Lumber &c. I am in daily Expectation of the Vessel you mentioned in your last which Letter I can’t at present answer.
I have here about 9 or 10,0001b weight of Leather225 which I shall begin to pack next Week in order to load on your Vessel expected from Bristol, & to fill her up with Lumber & send her back to you in expectation that there is a Bounty thereon.
It has been my great Fault that I have not writ you to know what Lumber will do at your place but desire you’ll make diligent Enquiry & inform me per first Opportunity & should be glad to understand that it will do.
I have loaded on board the two Brothers Captain [William] Thompson the Bearer hereof 33 hogsheads of Skins, 29 whereof I have cut off the Pates & Tails by which I find I lose 14 or 15 per Ct. I hope the Price will answer it at home. The other 4 hhds I had not time, my Negro being run away, wch I have consigned to Messrs Samuel & William Baker as also about 70 Tuns of live Oak Timber wch I have consigned to Messrs Peter Simond & Compa wch was cut off by white People & has cost me a great deal of money. But if I find it will do I shall for the future employ Negroes wch will come a great deal cheaper.
As soon as I came down here I went with Capt Thompson, Colcock & Miller the pilot here to survey & sound the Outlet at Wasaw. The inside we found capable of receiving any quantity of Men of War with safety in all Weather. But when we came to try the Channel we found but 16½ foot at low dead Water, but I am informed that there is a much better Channel close by little Tybee which I propose to sound as soon as I have a little leisure, & from thence go to an Island called Usebaw a little to the Southward thereof & view the same where I am informed is vast quantitys of Live Oak Timber & other sorts of Timber of great value.
Since my arrival at this place the Lower & Upper Creek Indians are arrived here to whom has been given the presents from the Trust, they have here been civilly Entertained & the former are gone away very well satisfied & I do suppose the latter will do the same.
My coming to this place hath incensed the Gentlemen of Charles Town to a very great degree so far that I am threatned on all hands. Especially by such that could have prevented it by not passing that foolish Law226 which when passing I strenuously argued against & told them that I could make it appear as plain as any of Euclids Element that it would drive away the Trade to this place. But they would not in the least hearken to me nor to what Coll [John ?] Fenwick & others could say against it. They imagined that what I said was out of private Interest tho’ God is my Witness I had no such view.
Mr [Patrick] Mackay appointed by our late Governour & Mr Oglethorpe is come down as Agent & hath brought most of the Traders down as well Creeks as Chickisaws & hath given them his Licences & hath turned out sevl Traders who are gone to Charles Town where they are taking out their Licences wch Mackay says he’ll send down by force as soon as he gets up again. He designs to build a Fort there hath already an Officer & some Soldiers & is sending up more & is resolved to carry his point. On the other hand the Gentlemen in Town talk of taking away the Charges of Licences, of taking off the Duty on Skins Exported & of raising 40 Men & sending them to the Creek Nation to protect their Trade. After the Horse is stol’n they are for shutting the Stable Door. What will be the result of these things I can’t determine but this I can assure you, that after all they can Trade with the Creek Chickasaw & Cherokee from this place 20 to 25 per Ct cheaper than then can from Charles Town notwithstanding the Encouragement they talk of giving.
Some Gentlemen of Charles Town have sent down here pretty considerable Cargoes of Indian Trading Goods wch are sold to the Traders at a very little advance from the Prime Cost. This I suppose is done to prejudice me & is the result of a Plot which I have heard they have laid against me & has had its Effects. For I have sold no Goods since I came down for they have sold every thing 50 per Ct cheaper than usual & it will spoil the Trade. But I have a Counterplot against them wch as soon as I hear from the Trustees or Mr Oglethorpe I may put in Execution & I shall then communicate the same to you.
I very much desire to have the Trustees Resolution & shall not be very easy in my Mind till I receive it. If Captain Wathing should be in England I desire you’ll convey the inclosed Letter to him.
[P. S.] I have some reason to believe that one Houston a Scotch Man that sold these Goods to the Traders at so cheap a rate is entring into a Partnership with Mckay the Agent & William Mckenzie in Charles Town & that the former has by this Opportunity wrote to one Mckenzie, I do suppose the Brother of George, for a large parcel of Indian Trading Goods. If you understand that the Trustees has granted me liberty for the sole Trade of Altamaha River, would have you give it out & thereby I should be able to ingroce the Trade because ‘twill save the travelling of 260 Miles going & coming for themselves & pack Horses.
Paul Amatis to the Trustees, July 5, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, pp. 148-150, Egmont 14201, pp. 85-88, containing his plans for the Trustees’ Garden and complaints against Joseph Fitzwalter and Thomas Causton.
During the Months of July & August very little Expences are Requir’d for your Garden, the Heat being so great as not to permit white men to work in the Fields or Gardens at that time. But after that as I have but two Servants and that they are taken from me from time to time, I shall be Obliged to make more Expences & work hard to Transplant the Trees &c in the best order I can.
After the Garden is put in the best order if your Honnrs will order an Examination of what has been done, & tis found that unecessary Charges have been made, I am willing that it Should be on my own Accot but in the mean time it is highly Necessary that your Honnrs give Positive Orders, that no person whatsoever Shall take from ye Garden, any Trees, Plants, Greens, Roots, or any thing whatsoever. Also that none of the Fruit be destroyd before tis Ripe, or even when tis Ripe, as it hath been done heretofore. It is Dismal Consideration for me, to think that I take so much Pains as I do to Cultivate Such Vast Number of Trees, & Plants, & that Every Body may do what they please. Your Honnours may perhaps think, I deserve blame for Sufferring it, to wch with Humble Submission I Answer That I am told the Garden is for the Publick, & Free for every one tho I must own, I cant Conceive that youll readily Consent that all Persons whatsoever, may take, & Strip the Garden of all its Produce. Your Answer thereon is Earnestly Desired by me.
As from time to time there Arrives Several Strangers here & not knowing where to get their Bread they are Generally Sent to me to be Employ’d in your Garden, till they can Elsewhere find Employment. To Encourage People to Come to this Colony I accept of their Services. For Some time as your Honnrs may See by my Accot I pay them but £ 10 Currency per Month with the Provissions from the Store. Mr [Jospeh] Fitzwalter has hired Severall at 18d Sterl. per Diem with Provissions.
I beg that I may have your Answer & know if you are any ways displeased at me that I may be able both to Vindicate my Self & take Such Measures as to give you ye best & the Greatest Satisfaction.
I Shall be obliged next Fall to put yor Honnrs to Some Additional Expences in relation to your Garden. The Soil at Top is Sandy & not good Enough for all Sorts of Plants without taking Vast Pains. What I design to do is to put Some of the Swamp into the Holes where I design to Transplant the Trees. And I must Aquaint your Honnrs that I ought to have Always Two men Constantly to Water the Garden. I doubt not but you know that to have Such Large Garden as ten Acres taken care off & Improv’d, There must be an Assiduous Care & Necessary Persons & Therefore it Requires Four Domestick Servants at Least for two years Longer, for there must be a great deal of work done there during that time* It will be a great work to Clear the Lower part wch is a Swamp.
If your Honnours would please to Send me Some Young Trees & Plants of the Growth of Europe, & above all Vines, I Assure you I shall take Special care to Transplant them. I Shall not do as Mr Fitzwalter has done of those that have been Sent him, wch I have been made Presents to I know not who & The Remainder have Perish’d. I Assure you Upon the word of an Honest man, that there are but three of these Plants in the Garden, Except those that I have brought up & Cultivated wch are vastly Numerous.
Please to Consider the Pains I have taken & Still Continue to take but I am Sorry that I am Obliged to Acquaint you that if Mr Fitzwalter still remains in the Garden after the many Insults I have Received from him, I will Leave off Acting there, after I have Reed your Honnrs Orders.
Inclosed is the Memorandum227 that I was obliged to present to the Court in Relation to Mr Fitzwalter to Let the Freeholders, know how much at heart I had your Interest & theirs also.
No Body knows the Expences that I have been obliged to make at Charles Town. & here to Cultivate & Nurse Young Trees for your Garden, and all for the Interest & Advantage of this Colony.
If any of The Honble The Trustees come here I humbly Offer my House wch indeed is your own & wch I am Endeavouring to put in the best Order I can, both for Conveniencey & Neatness. It will be a Singular Pleasure to me to have ye Honnour of Entertaining so Great & Honourable Guest. I hope with Patience & the Blessing of God I Shall bring my Undertaking to a happy Issue to the Glory of Your Honnours in Perticullar & of all the whole British Nation in General.
This Moment I was Serv’d with a Warrant from Mr Causton who does whatever he can to Oblige me to Leave the Colony against my Inclination. If your Honnours Suffers me to be Daily Insulted by Such Person as he My Intent is to Destroy all that I have hitherto done tho with So much Labour, My Substance & the Prime of My Youthfull days. Altho I cant have Satisfaction from him at present I as a true Piedmontese will not forget him in haste nor Easily put up the Affront of a man whose Behaviour is Such that he Encreases Daily the Number of his Enemies here. And altho he may as I am inform’d write you Letters in his own Praise, was you to make a Strict Enquiry into all his Transactions here I conceive he might not come off to the Satisfaction of.
Inclosed is the Copy of the Warrantas228 to shew you in what manner he Uses his Authority in an Affair so uncertain & properly an Error. If I ow Mr Chardon that Money I only desire hee’ll Shew his Accot & I will Endeavour to Satisfie him, knowing full well that amongst Honest men Errors are no Payments.
I know very well the Occasion of this last Affront was that Chardon & Causton were Affraid I Should depart hence for London in Capt [William] Thompson’s to Exhibit My Complaints in person better than I can do in the Narrow Confine of a Letter. But I have Considered that If I undertook that Voyage I could not be back in time & Proper Season to do the Needfull to Your Garden in Transplanting & putting it in the best order I could. I therefore Stay in this Colony thus. Je ne reste pour le present dans Cette Colonie que come Loisseau Sur La Branche prest a Senvoler dans L Endroit ou il trouvera plus de Repos.
I remain for the present in this Colony only as a bird upon the branch ready to fly away into the place where it shall find more repose.
Patrick Houstoun to [?], July 5, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, p. 151, concerning encouragement for Indian traders and Andrew Bell, a blacksmith.
At the desire of Some of the Traders to the Creek & Chickisaw Indians, I send you the Inclosed Petition229 to the Honble Trustees, for Lotts in the Town of Savannah which I hope their Honnrs will be pleased to Grant. These People notwithstanding the very Severe Threats from the People of Charles Town are come here and Bought their Goods for which they deserve to be Encouraged. Especially if it be true what Some of them Says that they had Mr Oglethorpe Promise for Lotts if they would Settle here. I send you also a Petition from Andrew Bell, who I brought over with me a Servant & is now discharged his Indentures. He is a very good Blacksmith, and has had very great Offers made him to go to Port Royal, but I have Caused him to Stay here for some time. And Tradesmen are very much wanted in this Colony, I dont doubt but The Honble The Trustees will be pleased to give Sutable Encouragement to a Man of Bell’s Trade which is so Necessary & so much wanted in the Colony.
Joseph Fitzwalter to James Oglethorpe (or the Trustees in his absence), July 5, 1735, Savannah, received Aug. 23, 1735, C.O. 5/637, pp. 154-156, Egmont 14201, pp. 73-74, concerning the Trustees’ Garden, crops in Georgia, and his marriage to an Indian.
After my Duty is presented to You and the Rest of the Trustees, This is to Acquaint Your Honnours That I am Disapointed by Mr [Paul] Amatis in Carrying on the Business your Honnour Ordered. I wrote to your Honnours about the same by Captain Yoakly, and Captain [George] Dunbar But have had no Instructions from your Honnours. I always Apprehend the Ground was for Carring on Botany and Kitchen physick, as baby Nussary of plants. As for the silk Business I Know nothing of But, I do Assure Your Honners as for a Tree, plant, or Any other Vegitable Mr Amatis is a Stranger as much as him that never Kew any thing of the art of Gardening. Mr [John] West who is bearer hereof will Inform Your Honnours of Any thing as may be askt. I Humbly begg leave of Your Honnours that in January next I may have leave to Come for England to settle my Affairs their & so to Return and to Spend the Residue of my Time in Georgia as Long as God shall think fitt to spare life.
I hope Your Honnours, will not Take it Amiss of my Marriage in this province without first Having Your Honnours Consent. The 8th of Aprill last I was. Married by Mr [Samuel] Quincey To Tuscanies Eldest Daughter Neice to, Skee, and Talofaleche. Tomicheche was the person gave her in Marriage, present the Queen Mr [Samuel ?] Montaguet and Lady Mr Causton and spouse Mr [John] West and spouse and Severall others of this province. The Indians cheifs of Upper and lower Cricks Express themselves with a great Deal of Satisfaction. It is to be hop’d That Time will wear her of the Savage way of Living. It hath been no small Expence to Me Amongst the Indians and I hope That Your Honnours will be Assisting Me withou which I Cannot do any thing. The Indians are very much for my going to the Nation to Trade with Them and that I Refer to your better Judgment being unwilling to do any thing without your Instructions.
I Should have sent my Journall by Mr West, but the Business of the Day being tiresome and Rest at Night Reviveing for the Next Day Employ is the only Reason I Could not finish Time Enough to Come by him, but hope That I Shall bring it myself with a great Deal of Satisfaction to Your Honnours.
The Ground produces Beyond Every ones Expectation and Every Body is very Industrious upon their Lotts Both Town & Contry in Generall, Bread Kind their will be Raised this Year more than the Inhabitants Can Use. I have seen all in Generall and do beleive it to be so. We have had a very hot Dry Spring; but Now the wether is Seasonable and Could [cold ?]. I Cannot find but people in England are Subject to Fevers either Spring or fall as well as here so, that when the Appointed Time Comes we must Submitt to him that made all Things.
I Do Assure your Honnours that it is my Study Night and day for well Doing of the place and what ever the Magistracy of place order me About I Readily Comply with. I hope your Honnours Dont forget the Ordering of the payment of my Salery.
I Pray God Bless Your Honnours and wish your Honnours your Healths to se the Handy works of Labours Florish, that you may see a people you may Call your own.
Noble Jones to James Oglethorpe, July 6, 1735, Savannah, received Aug. 25, 1735, C.O. 5/637, pp. 135-136, Egmont 14201, pp. 89-92, concerning his protection of the Indians, preventing timber cutting etc., enclosing several notices to prevent unauthorized timber cutting.
I take this Oppertunity by Mr [John] West of Shewing my Gratitude for the Past favours which I am Incapable of Making any Other Retaliation for them by Aknowledging, & begg leave to Acquaint Yr Honour with Some of My Preceedings Since I had the Misfortune to Loose Yr Honours Assistance.
I Continue to Go on (as Nigh as I am Capable) by the Same Rules as Yr Honour was Pleas’d to Prescribe, Tho’ I have Mett with Some Difficultys.
I have had Some trouble with the two Mr Parkers the perticulars of which I have Sent to The Honble the Trustees.230 I have Done My Endeavour to Stick Close to the Instructions I Rec’d from yr Honour.
As Attorney and Agent to Tomochachi & his People, I have at all times assited to my Utmost to See Justice Done, the perticulars of which I Don’t Doubt but Mr Recorder has Enform’d in his Account of the Court proceedings as my Sueing every one whom I find Any way offer to Opress them, either by Cutting Down Trees on their land Stealling their Canoes or any the like ofences. I have brought Severall Actions against Capt [Joseph ?] Wattson, [Joseph] Wigan, Coll. Biolove [Prioleau ?] Negro & others. I do Any Busines for ‘em that they Desire. I sent by Capt [George] Dunbar a letter of thanks (which I writt from Tomochachis words) to The Honble Trustees for the many favours they had bestow’d upon him.
As Ranger I Do My Constant endeavour to prevent any Depredations being Comited in Any Part of the Province perticularly the Cuting down Cypress, & live Oak Trees. I have been twice to the Most Southermost parts of the province, the first time Upon an Alarm with Abt 50 men (all Volunteers exept ye Scout boat) the perticulars of which Voyage (for fear a false Account Shou’d Come to Yr Hands) i will Send by the Next. The Second time was with Capt Dunbar who, I Dont Doubt has inform’d you thereof before now. We have An Account that Some Yamassee Indians (Supposed to be the Same that kill’d Tomochachis People) are Now Sculking above fort Argile, on that River. I therefore Sett out to Morrow, with Mr [Augustus] Spangenberg to Run out Count Zinzendorfes land (he having Clear’d above 3 Acres of his own Garden Lot) at the Same to See If we Can Come up with those Strollers who Come to Spy & Disturb our Peace. As Ranger I Always think it My particular Duty to be the first out on those Occasions.
Mr Jonathan Brion has been Up & has made 3 or 4 Canoes for which he Says he has Yr Honours Orders to take as many as he pleases. I knowing Your Honour Did give him 5 trees formerly And he being a person that you Respect’d I Did Not Dispute it but forbad any one in his name or by his licence to Do the Same. Mr [Walter] Augustine pretend’d to the Same but I as yet have Not had faith to believe him. Capt [William] Ferguson Says yr Honour granted him one. I let him have it but I have Charg’d him Dr for it till I Receive your orders. I have done the Same with Mr [Roger] Lacey of thunderbolt. I shou’d be Glad If Yr Honr wou’d favour Me with an Account of as many of those Orders as Yr Honour Shall think fit to Grant.
Mr Augustine having Yr Honours Letter Concerning Sr Francis Bathurst I have Run Sr Francis two Hundred Acres by his Direction and Sr Francis has Made Large Improvement thereon Considering he has lost by Death two of His three Servants.
I have had bad Sucess with Servants. The old man Continued Sick from the time I first had him till his Death, So that with him that Dyed before I have Now left but two & those have been Sick & as Soon as well are Always in Some Contrivance. They have Rob’d Me & others & Run away but I have them both Now but am forc’t to Keep one of em with a Chain on his leg. It has Retarded Me Vastly in My bussines. I Imploy’d Ford to asist me but what he did for me cost me above three times what I had for it. If I Cou’d Get a Sufficient Number of Servants I dont Doubt doing well. I Understand Mr [Peter] Gordon Made a large Sum by his prospect of Savannah. I always thought him a Man of More Honour than to Enfringe So much on any Mans Right. A hundred pound it is Said he gott by it, which has Set a Certain person who has the keeping the Register book to fall upon the Same practice here, which makes Me Cautious how I Put any Platts in it.
As I am Resolved to Write to Yr Honr & the Honble the Trustees every Opertunity I Shall Refer Yr Honour to my Next in which I Intend to be more full. Till which time & for ever that God will bless and prosper Yr Honour & all the Rest of the Honble Trustees is the Constant prayer of him that Desires Nothing So Much as to be Counted amongst Yr Honours faithfull Servants.
[P.S.] As all the words I Cou’d Speak was Not Sufficient for Some People I have Sett Up Some Advertisements the within Closed is a Coppy which I thought proper to Send Yr Honour for Approbation. We have a Rumour here that there is a bounty Granted Upon live oak which has made Some persons here to go abt this province in quest of the best for which Reason I have Caused the last of those advertisements to be Stuck up in all the out Villages and have given one to each Tythingman.
This is To Give Notice that if Any Person Whomsoever after the Publication hereof Shall Cutt Down, Deface or Destroy any of the Trees or Committ any Trespass on any of the Lands Now Most Imediately in Possession of Tomochachi King of Yamacraw or any of his People, which Said Lands are bounded by a blaz’d line (Distinguish’d by a Red Cross) on ye Eastermost Side thereof Abutting to the Common of the Town of Savannah, by a Road or High Way Leading from ye Said Common to ye Plantation of Mrs [John] Musgrove (Commonly Called Musgroves Cowpen) on the South, by A Creek Commonly Call’d ye Indian Creek on ye West and on the North by The River Savannah; they will be prosecuted for the Same with the Utmost Severity.
per N. JONES Agent for the
July ye 3d 1735
Whereas Divers Timber Trees have been Cut Down without Just Cause by which great Wast hath been Made, and if Not prevented would in a Short time Disapoint every one of the Great Advantages they would otherways Enjoy in having Timber So Near ye Town for finishing and Improving their Respective building and Whereas a Great Nusance also Arises from the falling Such Trees by the Stopping Up the passages to the plantations of the Severall Respective freeholders, and the branches thereof Covering the Pasture which wou’d otherways be Usefull for the feed of Catle and in a Great Measure prevent their Rambling.
This is Therefore to give Notice that if any person after the Publication hereof Shall att any time Cutt Down any Timber Trees without My Lycence or Do Not Imediately after Such Cutting Down Such Trees Remove burn or Destroy all Lopps Tops, Chips & brush Occasioned by the falling, hewing or Using Such Timber or Trees will be prosecuted for the Same with Utmost Severity.
Or If any person Shall presume on Any Pretence to Cut Down Deface or Destroy any Tree or Shrub any where About the Spring or Make any fires there or Make it a place to wash Cloaths they will have their Tubs Potts &ca broke & be Also Prosecuted for the Same.
per N JONES Ranger & Surveyor
July the 3d 1735
Whereas by an Express order of the Honble the Trustees for Establishing this Collony, No person whomsoever is to Cut Down, Deface, or Destroy any Cypress, or other Timber Trees of what kind, or Quality Soever, in Any Part, or Parts, of this Province, on Land Not Yet Granted, Without their lycence in Writting first had & Obtain’d, & the Sd licence Register’d in ye Rangers office of this Province, therefore for the preventing of Such Trespases & that No one may Plead Ignorance.
This is to Give Notice that if Any Person or persons Shall presume to Act Contrary to this their Said Order they will be prosecuted for the Same with the Utmost Severity.
per N JONES Ranger & Surveyor
July ye 3d 1735
William Ewen to James Oglethorpe, undated, [Savannah],231 received Aug. 25, 1735, C.O. 5/637, pp. 139-140, concerning his happiness with Georgia and in working for Thomas Causton.
I did my self the Honour some months a goe to returne you my Hearty thanks (by Letter which I fear neaver Came to hand) for recommending me to so good a Master as Mr Causton is; in his Service my time Slides away pleasantly, ye Agreeableness of ye Country Adding much thereto together wth my hopes (through yr Honrs bounty) of possessing a part thereof. It being my whole Desire to Settle in the town of Savannah. The province in general is in a tolerable state of health. Most people are a planting; we shall be verey neare able to Subsist next yr upon our own produce.
Thomas Christy to the Trustees, July 6, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, p. 157, Egmont 14201, pp. 93-94, concerning Joseph Watson’s case, transmitting papers,232 and cash accounts.
Most Honoured Sirs
We had the Honr of Yours directed to the Baylifs and Recorder under the Seal of the Common Council Dated the 17th March. I Conceiv’d it our Duty that we Shod all Joyn in a Answer to your Honrs but Since that has been postponed I crave leave with Submission to Inform your Honrs That Soon after your Letter was receivd it was read in Court That the Inclosed Order was made thereupon And no proceedings Shall be had in that Affair till Yor Honrs Special Commission Arrives. The Confinement of Watson within our own Province was owing to my Advice to Mr Causton And is a great Satisfaction to us it meets with your Honrs Approbation. I Shall always Endeavour to prefer the Publick Good to any private Interest.
I take this opportunity likewise to send inclosed to your Honours Copies of several publick Orders. The Copy of the Lieut. Govrs. Letter of South Carolina to us, the Copy of Capt. Mackintosh’s Commission, the Speech of the Upper Creeks and the Speech of the Lower Creeks are put into Mr. Causton’s Box the Examination of Licha the Indian & Jehu Barton the Interpreter who we have obliged to enter into Recognizance, and several other Authentick Papers which Your Honours may have Occasion for.
I have with Mr. [John] Vanderplank Signed the Cash Accompts of Mr. Causton from 26th May to 24th June Cr. £ 41,848. 19.7 Dr. £ 43,708.16.10.
We doubt not but Your Honrs will soon give Directions as to the Indian Trade; I can assure your Honrs the Magistrates of themselves have taken no other Step therein than a Letter writt to Brown and Company the Copy of wch I thought not amiss to Send inclosed. The Colony is in Peace & Quietness, and we esteem our selves thrice happy to be under so wise and prudent Government.
Walter Fox233 to the Trustees, July 6, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, pp. 160-161, telling of his duties as gunner and asking to be paid therefor.
I Humbely begg Leave
To aquaint your Honours yt I have Acted as Guner Ever sence our Landing. I used to goe in a boat Night & day where Ever his Honr Esqr Ogelthorp Orders was & for ye most part of ye first year was to Look after ye Crann [Crane] but there now is soom hops [hopes] of Getting som thing by it I was Ordered for other business. When his Honr went to Charles town I desired yt his Honr would Aquaint me of whome I must receive Orders from in Cass of any disturbence & his Honr told me yt I must receive Orders from Mr [John] Vanderplank & If I wanted for any thing yt I should have it out of ye Store. I acordenly went & I could find but fue Stores & when his Honr was at Charles town I wrot to aquaint his Honr yt there was littel or no Stors. So I sent an Endent of wat stors I thought might be proper. I never was Guner in ye Land service but have bin in ye See Service. His Honr had Severall times tould me yt he would due Som thing for me Wair of wen I wrot it being Very Scantey & begg yt his Honr Would lend me a Small matter & hearing yt he had dun for Severall, but I beleave his Honr would not have for gott me but he was so full of buisness. So yt I never had any thing for Rowing night & day is Very hard work & After his Honr was Sailed for England Mr Causton acquainted me yt I was Ordered Eightenn pence Every time I fired ye Guns. I have waited 3 or 4 days for Ships Sayling & Severell Gentell men Humbely begg yt your Honours would Consider me for I have Lost a great deal of time. Begg Leave to Aquaint you allso yt his Honr wen he went away tould us yt work at ye building ye houses yt If a man ded more Work then his Shir Cum to yt he should be paid, but I cant Gett it. The air is now Above three Pound starling Cumming to me & Mr Dern & Mr [Thomas] Jones yt was left to Settell ye Acct Aquaints me yt theay Cant gett ye Money In so those yt wair in debt theay ballance theair Acct but I cant gett any. Not Doughting but Your Honours bountifull Goodness will Consider me humbely pray yt If your Honours thinks me fitt for Guner yt you would send me A warrant or such Orders as you Shall think proper & by whose Orders I must Obay. I could Aquaint your Honours of Severall things yt has bin Acted heair but hear is Severell. I beleave yt mack it a Great part of theair time in taking of Acct of things yt is trans Acted hear, so I beleave yt by ye one hand or ye Other yt you have ye most perticuler Acct for a Man yt is to Work for his bread Cant spend his time in Minding all passiges.
William Gough234 to the Trustees, July 7, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, pp. 163-166, congratulating on the success of Georgia and enclosing a petition requesting command of a fort to be built in Georgia.
Right Honble and Honble Gentlemen
It is with unspeakable pleasure I presume to do my self the Honour of this, the grateful sense of the many obligation I lye under I confess demanded my more early acknowledgment, but the many Letters which were continually sent to this Honble Board was the only reason that kept me Silent. But the present flourishing condition of our Colony, the great increase in building, and resort of Strangers from all parts, the face of good Husbandry which begins to shew itself in our Land, and above all the Noble Benevolence lately granted by the High Court of Parliament roused me to Duty and I resolved to be no longer guilty of an ungrateful Oblivion.
Therefore most Honble permit me to Congratulate you on the success of this your Noble undertaking, it demands all our Joy, and it is with the greatest delight I see all your Labours, Troubles and Vexations crowned with Victory, but the World could expect no other when so many Noble personages generously enter’d the Combat, shar’d the Fatigues, and with a Chearful Resolution surmounted every difficulty.
Gentlemen, Gratitude for the many favours I have received from this Honble Board demands my ready obedience, to put in Execution all such orders as may arrive from Time to Time, and I resolve in whatever station your Honours shall think fitt to Imploy me, always to the utmost of my power to support the peace of the Colony against Civil Dissentions at home and dangerous Assaults and Invasions from abroad.
I humbly begg leave to return Mr Oglethorpe my humble thanks for the Generous treatment I have received from him during his abode with us, the same likewise to Mr Robert Hucks and Mr Tho. Towers, they both having done me the Honour of a recommendation to the rest of the Honble Board.
And now must Honourable I humbly ask pardon for this great presumption And begg leave to Subscribe myself with all Dutiful affection and the greatest Submission.
To the Right Honble and Honble The Trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia in America
The humble petition of William Gough of the Town of Savannah & province of Georgia
That your Petitioner being a hearty adherer to his Majesty King George and this Honourable Board is willing and desirous to bear Arms in defence of the Province aforesaid, and being inform’d that Sundry Forts are to be raised within the said province for the further strength and defence of the same
humbly Petitions that he may be admitted to bear command in one of the Forts aforesaid or in any acts of Hostility against the Enemy in case of Warr, in what place this Honourable Board may judge proper
And your petitioner as in Duty bound shall ever pray &c
Signed at Savannah in the province of Georgia this Seventh July 1735.
This morning arrived here Mr [James] Abercrombie & Mr [Isaac] Chardon. The former Comes to be Present at the tryall of yonge [Thomas] Millichamp and [Richard] Turner, Accused for Counterfiting the Currency of Carolina,235 By whom I had severall Letters from Charles Town. One from a friend Dated the 1st July in which are these words, the Chief Topick of Discourse under the Market and in Taverns is “the Indian Trade, many are much insenc’d against you for Carrying of it to Georgia, it’s Loock’t upon as a sceam of yours, and it is thought the Assembly will Shew their resentments and that you who have allways had the favours of the Goverment, have for Private Interest Secrifised the Publick Good and Sold your Country for Skins. I have told some who talk at this rate that they had brought it upon them selves, and that you was the Person who timely warn’d them of the Consequencis of this Law, wch I supose will be Repealed when two Late.”
My Son writes me a Letter of the Same Date, wherein he says Last night Coll Fenwick, Capt Green, Mr Crofts, George Austin, Capt Beale and Others had a meeting, but Cant say at present wht they Did or are resolv’d on, (but this in Generall) that they are resolv’d to Cutt you Out of the trade.
Elisha Dobree to the Trustees, July 7, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, p. 171, Egmont 14201, p. 113, telling of irregularities in the Trustees’ Store accounts.
I find that all the Accounts of your Stores are not sent you, & before they are, or that you Approve of them, I beg that youll heark’n to what I Shall now Say.
From the Insight I have had of ye Accot in the Stores in wch I have taken Abundance pains almost to no purpose (& not being a Fit Tool to work with I was dischargd the Store), I find the Accounts will be very Imperfect & therefore not Exact or true, wch two Articles are Certainly Required in all Accounts from the Experience I have had for 25 years in Exchanges, Sales, Publick Accounts &c—in Short the most Difficult & perplexing.
If your Honnours will please to Appoint Commissioners to Examin into the Transactions of ye Stores & the Publick Money, & Name me for one & Mr Robt Parker for another 4 or 5 New Comers & the others few Free masons & I will undertake to find out matters Enough to Aquaint Your Honnours, for whom I Shall think no Labour too heavy.
Thomas Causton to James Oglethorpe, July 7, 1735, Savannah, received Aug. 27, 1735, C.O. 5/636, pp. 313-314, Egmont 14202, pp. 105-109, containing a general report of conditions in Georgia.
Agreable to Your Honours Orders, I bargained for a Frame of a house completely fitt to be set up, any where for Mr [Samuel] Mountagut [Montagut].236 But he coming before the house was finished, upon Arrivall desired he might have leave to Set it up in this Town.
In Regard, that you was pleased to order the house you lived in for his Residence whilst here, and recomend the benefits that might arise to this Town by his allways having a Supply of European Goods, I gaive leave for him to set it up at the Corner of that ground joyning to the house. In this Case, he made a new Bargain with the Carpenter. I believe he finds the benefitt of being here but, I don’t find him inclinable to Encourage Exportation from hence.
Mr Bryan seemed to take a great deal of Pains in procuring Rice for Mr Symond’s Ships; But there was many difficultys started against Loading in this River; A great deal of pretended pains to bargain with an Officer to stay on board the Ship who was glad of a Perquisite, because the Ship must go to Lisbon, and he must therefore endorse both Marks and Numbers on the Certificate. Had not a quarrell happened wch was like to be fatall, it has not been owned, That there was any orders to Load for London I assure you, they might as easily have Loaded two Ships as one. But tho’ Mr Mountagut don’t seem inclinable either by employing the People or buying Skins and Goods for Exportation, some others are beginning and I dont doubt, but we shall daily Encrease in Exports of the Growth of the Colony. Some Staves has been Shipt off in a New York Vessell by Mr [John] Verplank, and he has imported Madeira Wine in Return, some of which wines are now on Board the Two Brothers.
I make it my business to oblige Mr Mountagut and his Lady by all the Methods I can devise.
The Boy you was pleased to mention as a Gift to me is bound by Indenture to Mr Mountagut and therefore denied me.
No One has left the Colony but [John] Cundall and Peircy Hill237 to this day.
When Tommy Jones brot down the Indians, he insisted to have his Town Lott which you had granted him, and was Registred in his name.
Collonel [William] Bull being here, we endeavoured to perswade Robert Parker Senior to give him possession, and by that means merritt a favour from the Trustees. I promised likewise to pay him for all Charges of fencing it in; But perswasions would not do, and Jones would not hear of any Assurances I offered, that the Trustees would do better things for him; Saying that which you gave him he expected.
Parker before this, had Verbally relinquished his Lott, because he would not be liable to be fined for not Serving as a jury man. So that in Consideration of the whole; an Action of Trespass and Ejectment was brought against Parker by Jones, to wch Parker refused to Appear and a Verdict passed against him for the Possession.
Sir Francis Bathurst and his Lady & Son are very well, his two Daughters are Married. He is very well pleased with the Country and lives very Soberly and Contented. He cannot frame himself to [Walter] Augustines Directions, but manages his own Affairs very prudently. He has lost all his Servants but one, who is very ill, therefore I am obliged to help him in hoeing of his Corn.
I have drawn on you a Bill payable to Mr Jenys & Baker for forty pounds Sterling according to your Order, and have applyed it to the uses you Ordered. In which case, (with Regard to the people in Town) I have allways consulted the Magistrates.
I have endeavoured to keep the People together, with Success. And my whole View has been, to Encourage the Industrious, and more especially the Planter.
I fenced in a large Calf pasture to keep the Cattle that were hunted up, from Rambling again; very few were found last year. This year, the woods were burnt, and a great many Cattle discovered on Thunderbolt Pine. I ordered a broad drift way to be Cutt through the Thick wood from Colliton Bridg to the Pine land, and we have had great Success in bringing home the Cattle.
We Ordered, That the people shod pay the Pindar for a year’s hunting in hand, besides a Shilling for branding; But I believe the Pindar does not like his Office, for he never Stirs to fetch in the Cattle. Many people here are much altered in their Manners and behaviour.
The Presants for the Indian Nation are all now delivered and Mrs [John] Musgrove has behaved very well. I have been much obliged to her in that matter. Poor Johnny238 is Dead of a Fever; As he was a Coastable we buried him in a Millitary manner.
Tomochachi and all the Indians continue to behave extreemly well and he is greatly Esteemed by all the Towns. I shall lett nothing be wanting to preserve the good Understanding between us. Estimoleeche Accidentally Shott himself when he was out, and is Dead. Estiche is Reconciled. Mrs Musgrove is satisfatisfyed for the loss of her Slave, and Tallapholiche has Reced the presents That the Trustees Ordered with great Thanks.
Mr [John] West will be able to tell your Honours many particulars; especially that of Mr [Peter] Gordon and Mr [Joseph] Watson. He has promised to Shew you Mr Gordon’s Letter to him, a Coppy of which, I have sent the Trustees. It is impossible to express the Malignity that has arisen from that affair as well, at Carolina as here.
I am sensible, that Malitious People invent Reproachfull Tales of me, But tho’ I am very Cautious of exposing the Reputation of those who come at the Trustees Expence, I shall never be afraid of punishing and threatening those Guilty of Crimes.
The Refreshments of the Stores are justly distributed according to the Peoples Rights; And beyond that, nothing but their particular Merritt for publick Service, or Real Necessity recomends them. And I hope the health of the People will in a great Measure justifye the Care that has been taken, to have Sufficient of good Provisions.
Mr Spangenberg239 had his Town Lott set out imediately after his Arrivall. They are very Industrious, have planted three Acres of Corn & Peas which thrives very well.
Mrs [Elizabeth] Bland and her Son arrived at Charles Town. She was so frighted with idle Storeys, that I thought she would not have come near me. Her Son delivered me your Letter. I took Care to have his Lott imediatly sett out & Mr [Martin] Eversen Mr Spangenberg & he joyns together. The young man had no Servant, But there was a German family came with them for Purisburgh who desired to Settle here. As we had no power to grant Lotts The man has agreed to Serve Bland for Six months, and I am to provide him his wife & two boys upon the Store on Blands Account, for such Service till the Trustees pleasure be known. Which if you approve of, he hopes will be granted. As this was done for Assistance to Bland, I chose to Submitt it to your Honours Judgment in what manner to Represent it to the Trustees so that I may have particular Orders what to do. Mrs Bland is since come with her goods. I have taken a house for her, and advanced her a little money, But she is very troublesom to the whole Place and every one believes her to be mad.240
Poor [William Johnson] Dalmas is Dead, and I have been much troubled to keep those People in Order, especially [Will] Headly who is now in Gaol for his repeated Disobedience to his Officer. He was ordered to make his Submission to his Officer and give Security for his good Behaviour.
I am Sorry, that I have Still occasion to complain of the Conduct of too many of the Military Officers. As most of them are unskilled in Military Exercise, they Ridicule those who would Enforce it But are Ambitious enough, at the same time to Sett up the Military Power in Opposition to the Civill and will by no means think of it Conjuctively.
My time is too Short to Relate one half of what I ought, But this shall be imediately followed by the first Oppertunity from Carolina.
Elisha Dobree to Harman Verelst, July 8, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, pp. 174-175, Egmont 14201, pp. 117-118, containing general news about the colony.
Although I have not the Honn. to be Perticularly Acquainted with you I take the Freedom to Propose a Close, Familiar & Usefull Correspondence. Your Acceptance of it will Greatly oblige & be very delightfull to me.
At this time this place is very Sickly, there are dead of Late
Mr Joseph Cooper
Du Gardin & his wife
Besides many others of less Note, Thomas Fawset & John Greedy are very Ill so is Doct. [Patrick] Telfair. I thank God that I have my health as well as ever I had in England.
We have had 16 Indian Traders here to whom Licences have been Granted to trade in the Nations by Capn. [Patrick] Mackay. Most of them are return’d again. Few remains here. Mr. [James] Abercromby & Mr. [Isaac] Chardon arriv’d this Day from Charles Town & talks of Returning back tomorrow.
This Day the Guns were fir’d for Remembrance of Oppening the Court as on this day.
I have little of News at present worth Acquainting you. There are about 70 Tons of Timber viz Live Oak gone with Capn [William] Thompson. I wish I were Acquainted with the value of it in England. I Could send great Quantities to any Friend you would Name.
I wish you Could Supply me with two good Bricklayer Sawyers Plaisterers or Cooper Servants; tis they we want most at present. The Cost I would readily Pay to ye Captain & I would always Acknowledge this as an Exceeding Great Favour.
Pray if you know of any News worth Comunicating I beg you will please to favour me there with & in anything I can serve you or any of your Friends please, Freely to Command.
[P.S.] I have now sevl. hundred Orange Plants of My own Growth put in ye Ground last winter.
I believe the Accounts youll receive from the Trustees store here will be very Imperfect according to my knowledge of them having Canvasd em over, & indeed I do not know how theyll be Approvd at home.
One Article abt. Tybee Light house is a heavy one, some say £ 1500 sterling & hardly built above Ground; but this is no business of mine & therefore I stop short. I shall only add that a good Accomptant in the store would have been of use both to Masters & servant.
Capt. Mackay the Agent for the Indian Affairs is preparing to set out for Alatahama & beyond it as far as St. Juan near Augustine to pry into the Motions of the Indians & Spaniards.
Elisha Dobree to Benjamin Martyn, July 9, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, pp. 177-178, Egmont 14201, pp. 121-123, containing an offer of a general correspondence, applying for a position in Georgia, and giving general information about the colony.
As I am persuaded that The Honble The Trustees are desirous to know how this Colony goes on, & all Transactions here writen to them Frequently, I take the Freedom to Offer them my weak Services & on the Receipt of their Commands with Licence that my Letters may have Free Conveyance & not be Intercepted or Open’d here, I will Endeavour that not the Least Shall Escape my Notice thats proper to write them & if Need be Copys Shall be sent em. My intent is to write without any Regard to Parties.
I have often be told there was a Store of Indian Goods to be Open’d here. I could wish The Honl The Trustees would please to Employ me in it. I have reason to think that I am as well Qualified for it as any in this Colony, having Since My Infancy been brought up to Merchandize & to the best Method of Book Keeping.
I was the first Merchant Advanturer here but thro ye Knavery & Ill management of [Francis] Lynch who had my Concern in his hands I have been Reduced to Such a Degree that it had been well for me if I never had any thoughts of this Colony, but Since I am in it I would willingly Stay in hopes times may mend. I am not Strong Enough for a Sawyer or any hard working Trade wch at this time are much Preferable to a Penman. I beg youll Read this Letter to the Board & withall Aquaint them that no one Trader here has So well Observd their Orders in Relation to the Prohibition of Rum as I have done & always will do. Your Answer to this Letter & your Interest with The Honble The Trustees in my Favour will be ever Acknowledged & Endeavours to make Such othr Suitable Returns as ye Same Deserve.
[P.S.] If there be no Store here for Indian Goods I beg the Honl Trustees would Favour me with an Employ in any of the Following
If none of these are not to be Obtain’d I humbly propose to the Trustees to Grant me ye Licence of an Indian Store in ye Next Town to ye Southward in ye Same manner as was Granted Mr [John] Musgrove here also Lotts (mine here being taken from me.)
I writ lately for Capt Mackay Sixteen Licences for the Indian Traders who are (Except three) returned Some in the Nation & others to Charles Town.
They took to the value of abr £ 3000—Currency of Goods from Mr [Patrick] Houston here, little or none from Mr [Samuel] Eveleigh.
The Following Freeholders are Lately Dead here
DuGardin & his wife
Johnson Dalmass of Skidaway
& Sundry others of Less Note.
Thomas Fausset is Dangerously Ill. I thank God I have my health as well as ever I had in Great Britain. I chuse cool Liquors for my drink wch best agree with me.
We Greatly wish for more people coming over to Strengthen this Place.
Capt [Patrick] Mackay is preparing to go as far as St Juan near Augustine to Observe the Motions of the Spaniards.
We have here a Skooner lately arrived from Jamaica for Mr [Samuel] Eveleigh’s.
Mr [James] Abercromby & Mr [Isaac] Chardon Arrived here two days Since are gone to Purysburg & Expected here back again in few days.
Andrew Millar to Harman Verelst, July 15, 1735, St. Clements [London], C.O. 5/637, pp. 189-190, concerning his brother Robert’s search for plants in Jamaica.
You will be pleased to acquaint The Honble Trustees for Georgia That on Saterday last arrived a letter from my Brother241 to me dated Kingstown in Jamaica May 10. 1735 Wherein there is this paragraph “I arrived here from Carthagena 2 or 3 days ago wt health and a poor purse having Spent about Seventy Pounds in a Journey up that Country in search of ye Ipecacuanha wc I at last found, after having like to have cost me my Life; The Trouble and fatigue I underwent in this Journay is inexpressible, but wth Joy I desire you may aquaint the Gentlemen of my Success in finding it, and the Bals Capivi. I shall write them more fully by next Ship, but this is an unexpected oportunity. The Master of the Ship is waiting for this, and it is now past eleven O’clock at night so that I have just time to send you this line.”
I came to Town [London] late last night else should have wrote you sooner to have acquainted the Gentlemen wt the above.
This Quarter due at Midsummer I suppose the Trustees will have no scruple to order me,242 he being alive so near the time and I hope his diligence & Success will be agreeable to the worthy Members of yt Society.
Walter Augustine to John Brownfield, July 17, 1735, Westbrook in Georgia, C.O. 5/636, pp. 311-312, concerning his desire for Oglethorpe in Georgia, his sawmill, and prospects for good crops.
This present time Affords but very Little news in our Province otherwise than Capt [Patrick] MacCoy & ye Indians with ye Indian Traders have been down and Carolina Grants Licences (as formerly) to Trade with ye Creeks under ye notion yt ye Southern parts beyond Our bounds of Altamaha River is Still belonging to theire government. And as farr as I Can Learn (my Informer not very Creditable) they Intend next Spring to Setle Som Traders on ye other Side of ye Abovsd River &c. We have had Sad doings here with Counterfeit money, it being Suposed twas utered by Ould Malishamp [William Mellichamp]. I had no less than 33£ and am ye Loser of 18£ without remedy. It is generally believed in Carolina (now Governour Johnson is Dead) yt Esqr Oglethorp will Come in Governour243 whome in Carolina it will be much feard in ye post. I joine my wishes with many more to See him once more in Georgia under ye hope of being then Remedyed in many injustices which now I Suffer. However As my Saw mill now being nere finishing then I hope to have An Interest undepending to those who preys on one anothers Substances. I have Laide out in the work 29£ Sterling besides 10£ Mr [Samuel] Mountague asisted me by way of Credit, and without Mr Loyd at ye Generall post Ofice Sends me ye Iron works I sent for I Shall Still be very much Wakened. If Mr Loyd should Incline to Come to Georgia I have in my Leter to him promised him ye Use of halfe my money for two or three years. Otherwise you are to Receive all as formerly Directed. I have no more to Say but I admire I Canot Receive as much as one Leter from you, it being a favour I beg youd Oblige me with ye next Oportunity you have.
P. S. The people are in every Setlement at this time in a Tolerable good Health ye Town Excepted. My famyly Eight in Number was all together for 3 weeks Sik in ye flux and my sealfe Lame with ye Bite of a Dog in my Leg, but god be praised at this time and without any Loss are all in good Health and have a prospect of ye best Crop of Corn as has been known in ye memory of man. For ye Stalks in Generall Bear 3.4.5. 6 & 7 ears of full graines &c.
Paul Amatis to the Trustees, July 24, 1735, received Sept. 24, 1735, C.O. 5/637, pp. 180-184, Egmont 14201, pp. 145-148, concerning the Trustees’ Garden, silk production, and his complaints against Joseph Fitzwalter and Thomas Causton.
I Received yesterday with a great deal of Pleasure your Letter of 12th May per Capt Yoakley who Arrived at Tybee the 21st Inst. By that Letter I see that your Honnrs had Reed the Box of Raw Silk wch I sent by him & that Sir Thos Lombe had began to Organize the Same. I am Glad that this Small Sample proves so well to his Satisfaction. This may Induce you to believe that I have Promised nothing but what I could perform. I dare Say and I have the Strongest reason for my assertion that I am able to bring Silk of the Growth of these Parts to a more Perfect Beauty & Goodness than the Sample whenever I shall be furnished with all things Necessary for that Purpose, and I defie any of the Fabricators of Piedmont to Produce better than I am able to do.
The Satisfaction & pleasure this Undertaking of mine meeting thus with Success (thro the Blessing of God) must be to you I wants words or thoughts to Conceive. It is one of the Greatest Blessings in Trade, to be Expected from this Infant Colony & all the world may See now that your Intent & Projecting this Affair was not Chymerical, but Certain, built & Supported with the Strongest reasons, brought to pass, & attended with that Success that may Stop the Mouths of all Gainsayers & the Benefit The British Nation in Genl & this Colony in Perticular may reap from this Undertaking is obvious to any one who hath the Least Notion of ye Interest of both.
For my Part My Chief wish & desire is that I may have the Happiness of that Satisfaction of having been the Instrument of Establishing So Beneficial a Manufacture, from that Principle of mine, that there is no greater Satisfaction than in doing Good to Mankind, Especially when whole Provinces & even Kingdoms are to Reap a General Benefit thereby.
I intend to Send you per first Opportunity My Journal and I hope youll be so Good to Read the Same and give all due attention & regard to the Contents thereof. I desire that your Honours will Espouse My Interest & with so much Zeal as may obtain for me Some Satisfaction from the British Parliament in Consideration of the Study & Pains I have taken of So Beneficial a Branch as I have now brought to Some Perfection, wch, in few years may be Attended with the Greatest Benefit to the Nation.
I Shall in the mean time do all I can to Transplant & put in the best order The Trees Plants &C & your whole Garden in General as I was ye Original Undertaker it would be no Small Satisfaction for me to See every thing there Prosper & do well.
There are at present but two Servants Employ’d in your Garden & with So few tis Impossible to do any great matters. However I will do all that I possibly can for the Support of My Character & perhaps in Such Case I may be Obliged to Employ Some hired Men to help which will be Some Cost to yor Honrs, but this I do that you may have a Garden Pleasant Beautifull as well as Rich in its Productions for the Benefit in Genl of the Freeholders who may at the Same time have the Pleasure to walk there on Sundays & Holydays & there See ye Plants & Trees that may Expect as Soon as they have Cleard a Sufficient Quantity of Land.
I cannot help putting you in mind of the Bills I have drawn on your Honours. If you dont order Punctual Payment of them I shall intirely thereby Loose my Credit, and this I Shall Reap for my Warm Zeal, for your Interest The Colony & the British Nation.
You may See by my Accots Sent your Honours that I charge nothing but what is Just & Reasonable & to let me be Sufferer in such Case, would disable me from advancing any more of My Money, (having but little to Spare) wch Common Prudence would never Suffer me to Launch out any more to Serve & whole Nation, Unless a Trustee was here to answer whatever I Should in reason (& no more will I ever lay out) to Serve ye Colony.
If your Honours are resolv’d to go on in Improving Raw Silk & to have the Silk drawn & Prepared in the best manner, it will Cost Some Money, but in about Two Years The Mulberry Trees will be in the Greatest Forwardness & in that time may be Seen the Labour of Industry Shew it Self to Some Purpose than most, if not all the Families in this Province may be Supply’d with as many Trees as will be necessary for them and thus Old & Young, Small & Great will Reap that Innocent Pleasure of Gathering & Improving the Raw Silk.
The Trees & Plants in your Garden Encrease prodigiously to which My Continual Care, Labour & Fatigue are not a little Contributing. I am there from Sun Rising to Sun Setting Meals Excepted. I am No Free Mason, nor a Member of any Clubb. I frequent No Dancing, neither do I Encourage any Caballs. I Live a Solitary Life like a Monk, let others Live as they Please. I think no greater Satisfaction in this Colony than keeping up my Character & Perform My duty to yor Honnr My Employers, & if all men here, were like me, there would not be So Much Vanity, & So Great Poverty as there is.
I have Communicated your Letter to Mr Causton & Mr [Joseph] Fitzwalter. In relation to the Complain against me touching Mr [Roger] Lacy, both denies to have writen about it. I Stay till the Arrival of a Trustee to Sue in Court, those Whom I can find to have writ Such falsity of me. I have more than ten Credible Witnesses men of Probity & Credit, who will depose if Need be that in the time I was Accused of the Fact I was So Ill for 4 days as to keep my Bed, & 7 days unable to go to the Garden nor did I See in that time any of the Servants. Was I to do as others do Your Honours Might have reason to Complain. I will Still Insist that I have been Ill treated by Mr Causton & Mr Fitzwalter & no other of this Colony, for no Other reason than for my Earnest Zeal for ye Colony & in preventing the Servants from being Employd in Pleasuring to ye Prejudice of your Garden.
P. S. Pray dont forget to Send me a good Number of Cuttings of Vines of all Sorts.
Elisha Dobree to the Trustees, July 24, 1735, Savannah, received Sept. 24, 1735, C.O. 5/637, p. 186, Egmont 14201, p. 137, expressing his desire to please the Trustees.
I am Favour’d with Mr [Benjamin] Martyn’s Letter of 12th May last. I return you my hearty thanks for your kind Promise, relating to My Family, & to the Roots & Plants I desired.
Whatever I may have writ formerly, its no Inducement to Continue so to do. I know now your Honnrs Pleasure wth wch I was not honour’d before. And from So Salutary Advice, I will Steer my Course so as to give full Proofs, of my Earnest Endeavours with Sincerity, & truth, to give The Benefit of your Esteem, and Protection, & am wth the Greatest Respect.
Thomas Causton to the Trustees, July 25, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 321-322, Egmont 14201, pp. 149-153, concerning Patrick Mackay and troubles of the Indian trade, counterfeiting currency, Indian relations, and various other matters.244
May it please Your Honours.
Captain [Patrick] Mackay having made up his Master Roll for his Company a Duplicate of which is enclosed; As also his whole Account of Incidents to the 1st of March last. I drew a Bill of Exchange on Your Honours Dated the 14th Instant at 30 days after Sight, payable to Paul Jenys Esqr and Comp. for 300 £ Sterling thereby to Enable them to pay Such Draughts as I should have Occasion to make on that head.
With this comes a Continuation of my Cash Account with Attested Duplicates or Coppys of the Vouchers.
I also Send a Coppy of a Letter, the Originall whereof was put into my hands by Messs Sterling to whom it is directed.
The Deputy Governour of Carolina having Sent the Enclosed to Captain [Patrick] Mackay, He was desireous, that some men should be raised to assist him in the Execution of his Orders in the Indian Nation. I consulted with the Magistrates, and we Agreed to write the enclosed Letter, which I hope will meet with your Honours Approbation.
I return you my humble thanks, for the Honour you have done me in Approving of my Conduct in [Joseph] Watson’s affair.
I shall ever think it my Duty to preferr Publick Safety to any private Interest. And if I am represented by any one, to Act in any case contrary to my Duty, I trust, That Truth the Comon Protection of all well intended Actions will be my Advocate.
The Government of Carolina having resolved to give up the Pallachucola Fort, Discharge their Comander & men, And offer all the Store to the Care of the Magistrates for your Honours use; we though it necessary (being unexpected) to continue the same Comander and men Sett down in the enclosed till your Honours pleasure be known.
By Repeated Advices from Carolina we were informed that some of their money Bills have been counterfeited, and that William Mellichamp and Lawrence his Son, were guilty, being detected at Wineyaw and were fled. We had information, by People here; that Richard Turner and Thomas Mellichamp (another Son) were likewise guilty; And that Turner had made a Rolling Press for that purpose. We took Severall Examinations on Oath, which amounted to a Strong Suspition, but no direct facts; therefore admitted them both to Bail.
That as this Affair might occasion Some Reflections on the Colony, we thought it necessary to pursue the Guilty in the Strictest manner; And as it concerned Carolina very particularly, we judged it necessary to desire Mr [James] Abercromby’s advice concerning the Prosecution. He came to us, and managed a Charge against Richard Turner and Thomas Millichamp before the Grand jury, and then returned back. The Grand jury returned themselves (Ignorant) as to that Charge. But presented Mellichamp the father and Richard Turned (1st) for Counterfeiting Sundry money Bills the Currency of South Carolina (2d) for uttering Sundry Counterfeiting Bills knowing the same to be so. (3d) for making a Rolling Press and Utensils for Counterfeiting such Bills. William Mellichamp (being fled) we tryed Turner, and he was acquitted of the two first Charges and found Guilty of the 3d which being supposed to be a Misdemeanor, he was fined 200£ Sterling and comitted to Goal till payment was made. When this fine was laid And the Comitment Executed, Turner found, he was like to pay dear for his Enterprize, and his Employers be Acquitted. He and his Wife made a more full Discovery, So that a Grand jury being Sumoned they have Indicted William Mellichamp and Thomas Mellichamp for forging the Names and writing of the Subscribing Commissioners to severall money Bills. Thomas Mellichamp upon Intelligence of this, also fled.
We have Issued a Warrant upon these Indictments to Seize on the Lands and Effects of William and Thomas Mellichamp to your Honours use; In Case they shall be found Guilty of the Fact or Outlawed. But shall not proceed to a Confiscation without your Honours Orders.
In Regard to this Discovery, and to prevent as much we could the Ruin of a family, who are judged to be well recomended to your Honours and (till now) had maintained a pretty good Character; We thought it would not be disagreeable to your Honours to Enlarge his Confinement, in Such a manner as he might be capable of Supporting himself and Family by his Labour.
We have accordingly given him the Liberty of the Town and apointed Edward Jenkins and Joseph Fitzwalter to be his Keepers, with Power of Restraint if he Attempts to Escape or Act contrary to his Enlargement.
I have paid Mrs [John] Musgrove, for another Indian Servant she has bought of a Trader in the Stead of her Servant Justus.245
Esteeche is reconciled to Mrs Musgrove and his People, I explained to him your Honours Orders in the presence of Tomochachi, And he shewed a proper concern for his Mishaps; mixt with an Agreable pleasure for a reconciliation.
Tallapholeechi has accepted very gratefully of your Honours favour to him, and his Relations. But they of his family being the Chief Sufferers by the Spanish People, (as mentioned in my Letter of the 4th instant) He is gone to Seek revenge, And has told Mrs Musgrove, that he would not fetch the goods you gave him, till he returned.
I have paid Mr [Edward] Jenkins Mr Henry Parker and his Brother fifty pounds Currency in equall Portions, as a Reward for Retaking the Murderers of Mr [William] Wise.
Your Comands of the 15th of May are arrived per Yoakley, which I will take care to Execute.
Mrs Musgrove has removed all her Store to the Cow Pen. and has promised an Obedience to your honours Orders about Rum.
The Caper Plants are safe arrived, and are delivered to Mr [Joseph] Fitzwalter to be planted and managed according to the directions of which he has a Coppy. The Madder Roots are dead, But If your Honours could procure another Parcell I would take care of some myself, having proper ground cleared for that plant.
I return your Honours Thanks for the Servants, sent by this Ship and all other your favours, and hope to manifest my Gratitude by my Actions.
Mr Johnson Dalmas being Dead. I placed those Servants under the Care of Mr Fitzwalter to be employed in the Garden. I shall very gladly answer the Complaints which Mr [Peter] Gordon, and others have thought to make against me not Doubting of a just Determination; And in the mean time, will (as in Duty bound) pursue the necessary measures for preserving the publick peace and Execute the Office of your Store Keeper, with as much justice Integrity and Humanity as I am Capable of.
The people are in a good State of health. The Illness mentioned in my last, is at an end, and was occasioned by Colds taken in the Excessive heats wch was in the Months of May and June. In July the heat abated, & this has been the Coolest month this Year, that ever was known.
The Harvest is likely to be much better tban Expected; having had plenty of Rain, So that the Late Corn and Peas flourish very well. Many people seem so desireous of improving Land, that now there is a Real Prospect of Supporting themselves.
Mr John Thompson (who came per Yoakley) seems to like this place, but is resolved to live by the Law, therefore is gone to Charles Town having first sold his Servt.
There is one Adams per profession & Butcher; be came per Yoakley, and is desireous of a Lott; and he stays here in hopes of your Honour’s Grant which he says he has wrote to Mr Hathcote for.
We have now reced the Enclosed, wch is Coppy of an Answer to the Letter sent to the Deputy Governour of South Carolina from the Magistrate here.246 The jealousys of some in that Province about loosing the Indian Trade is made use of to Raise and publickly to declare Animositys towards us from thence. The Enclosed Affidavits is all (that we can discover) they ground their Jealousys on.247
We were talking of this Affair when Mr [James] Abercromby was here. He askt me, what Instructions the Majestrates had concerning the Indian Trade. I told him, none concerning the Trade, therefore would not meddle about it. But that if Mr [Patrick] Mackay was Attackted in the Nation we had Orders to raise 50 men to Assist him (if needfull). That when those Orders were given (I believed) that none thought he would be disturbed by any But such who were Enemys to all his Majestys Subjects. But if he was opposed in the Execution of his Instructions, and thereby the Publick Peace was broken, In Duty to Your Honours, I would Support him and maintain the Peace So farr as I was able.
As to the pretended Authority of locking up the Swords of Our Militia Officers who have Commissions from Mr Oglethorp; We Depend upon Your Honours Resentment in Such Manner as you shall think fitt. I shall ever Endeavour to Demonstrate that.
Isaac Chardon to Thomas Causton, July 25, 1735, Charles Town, C.O. 5/637, pp. 276-277, concerning his drafts on the Trustees.
By Capt Yoakley who came off our Barr ye 20th Instant, I reced Letters of the 10th & 12th of May last from my friend Mr [Peter] Simonds of London Mercht in whose favour I have been always obliged to make those Bills of Exchange payable, wch I have hitherto drawn upon the Trustees for Establishing the Colony of Georgia, fearing they might be protested. And it’s what would have Inevitably happened if I had not done so, as it plainly appears to me since; for this Gentleman confirms to me that many of my Drafts lay heavy upon him, for their not being discharged by the Honble the Trustees. There is at this time between 12 and £ 1500 Sterling unpaid, as I informed you when I had the pleasure of seeing you last, I not only hereby run the Risque of disobliging my best friends in this world Mr Peter Symond, but also my reputation and Character as a person in trade, my chief dependance being on this money to discharge my just Debts due unto my severall Imployers in London. To me, its certainly a matter of the Utmost consequence; to avoid therefore the Evil which must naturally attend such Irregular Proceedings, And as we are now daily to expect a happy Sight of our good friend Mr Oglethorpe (whom I pray and wish may be our Governour so well as yours) who doubtless will clear up all those seeming Misterys to me, at his arrivall. I Beg and must insist, that you make no more Drafts upon me, untill that time, for I cannot resolve to pay them before I am better satisfyed in my Affairs. I shall be obliged to you will let me know what Drafts you have made upon me Since the first of last June.
Thomas Christie to James Oglethorpe, July 31, 1735, Savannah, received Dec. 6, 1735, C.O. 5/636, pp. 325-326, Egmont 14201, pp. 161-162, concerning complaints against him, his desire to move to the frontier, counterfeiting, the Indian trade, and the disolute life of Elizabeth Malpas.
I had the Honr to receive yors by Capt Yoakly as to the Complts of [Joseph] Whatson & others agst me for selling of Rum & taking a shillg for a Warrant & a shilling for the Returne. Yor Honr will be soon convinced that they are the Effects of Malice & proceed rather from my adhering to the Laws punishing Offenders & strictly pursueing the Honbe Trustees directions.
Their great Indulgence in regard to Us as to the Servants & the continueing of Provisions is the more agreeable & surprising since it is what they did not look for or Expect.
As to persevering in Unanimity wth Mr Causton for the support of Order & Government I have at all times & on all Occasions strictly pursued that Maxim & Indeed the Colony cod not have Enjoyed much peace or Credit withot it. The many surprising Attempts made to disturb the peace of the Colony & the irregular life of many of Its Inhabitants has required Our utmost Effort.
I cod now heartily wish the Trustees wod relieve me in my Office & permit me to sell my Improvemts here & settle on some part of the frontiers where I might signalise myself by doing some Extraordinary Service to ye Colony.
I own I have been wanting in my constant Advices to the Trustees but as that has been taken up by Mr Causton & Executed so well & Indeed out of my power in a great measure. I hope they will be so good as to Excuse it. I have here Inclosd Our Proceedings agst [William] Mellichamp & [Richard] Turner for counterfeiting the Current Bills of the Province of S. Carolina & as Mr [Samuel] Montagut has desired a Copy of Our Judgment in relation to some Bills between him Mr [John M] Bolsius & Mr Groneau of Purisburgh I have sent ye same here. I refer to Mr Caustons letter in relation to Our Letter to the Govr of Charles Town his Answr & the Complaints levyed agst Capt. [Patrick] Mackay.
The Indian Trade to this Colony seems to be of the utmost consequence & Yet as a War seems unavoidable the Cultivating a good understandg wth the people of Carolina is highly necessary, especially in the Indian Nation Where the french & Spaniards will not fail to take advantage of any difference there & to Influence the Indians against Us.
The Colony seems to be very peacable & Quiet & likely to continue so.
One Wm Buley of Clear Market & Elizh Malpas born at the Duke of Devonshire Seat at Chutsworth who lived since wth Capt Lingham in Delahaye street near Story gate & came over wth this last Embarkation as passengers in Capt Yoakly Ship as Man & Wife & She being convicted of lyeing between two fellows naked & leading a dissolute life was Ordd Sixty Lashes at the Cart tail & to be carrd through Bull street & back again wch was Executed accordingly & The Man who brot her over as his wife is Ordd to give Security & bound over to his good behavior during his stay in this Colony.
I Beg the Continuance of yor Honrs Protection.
P.S. We hear that Tho. Millichamp is taken in Carolina in One Underwoods Barn together wth One Morgan of Charles Toown who was lately up here wth Cyder & Rum. They were takeen wth sevl Counterfeit Ordrs & Bills on them together wth all their Utensils & engraving Tools & are now in Irons in Charles Town Goal in Ordr to be tryed.
Dumont to Thomas Coram in London, Aug. 5, 1735, Rotterdam, C.O. 5/637, pp. 194-195, concerning a French baker, Giles Becu248 and his desire to leave Georgia. Translated from the original French.
I must have recourse to your Charity (which is known to me) in favour of a French Baker, Called Becu. About two years agoe he went from hence to South Georgia, with the Saltzburghers, who Embarked here at Rotterdam, and left out of the vessel, his wife and two Children finding them very troublesome. He wrote me from Savannah a long letter wherein he deplored his misery, to be with Lutherians without the Exercise of his religion and without hopes of being able to reunite with his familly or ever be in a Condition to maintain them.
Tho’ He does not doubt if he had a permission to goe to Charles town or Purisburgh, but he might be able to gett a tollerable maintenance, as well as for his wife and Children, who are here at the Charge of the French Deaconship. We coud willingly wish Sir to discharge ourselves of this Burthen and procure Mr Mr Becu the liberty he so much wishes for.
I believd the only sure method was to pray you to wait on My Ld Oglethorp Gouvr of Georgia to obtain of his Ldship (who is indued with so much Piety and Clemencey) that he woud permitt the sd Mr Becu to go to any one of the Collonies of North America. If (to purchase this liberty for him) he must have one or two Guineas I beg Sir you woud advance them & I will order them to be paid you in London or wherever you please. Our Consistory will pay them here to our Friend Mr Furly. Permit me to Present my most humble respects to my Ld Oglethopr and the ardent Prayers I make for his Preservation which are no less fervent for yours.
Benjohan Furly to Harman Verelst, Aug. 9, 1735, Rotterdam, C.O. 5/637, p. 191, concerning wearing apparel and housestuff sent to Verelst.
This onely serves for Cover to the Inclosed Bill of Lading for 2 Chests SC No 1.2. on board the Duke of Richmond Capt John Cranwell consigned to you by order of Mr Steph. Crellius who by what I can perceive by his Lr designs to be here in few days I wish them Safe to you.
[P. S.] My Most humb Service pray to my worthy ffrd [Friend] Capt. Coram. 2 Chests of wearing Apparel & Household Stuff Freight 12s.
Nick Spence to Trustee Adam Anderson in London, Aug. 11, 1735, Edinburgh, C.O. 5/637, p. 287, concerning support fora Scots minister in Georgia.
There having been this day laid before the General Meeting of the Society for propagating Christian Knowledge, A Report of their Committee of Directors upon the Subject of a Letter they received from you, of date the 22d July past, Touching a proposal of sending a Missionary Minister having the Irish Language to Georgia, for the benefit of a New Colony of Scots Highlanders, to be sett up there, Which Minister is to be maintained upon the Cost of this Society.249 This project is very well liked here, And tho the Societys funds are much burdened with the great Expence of maintaining Schools in the Highlands, Yet the Advantages which probably will follow upon the Societys Embracing this Opportunity of Spreading the Gospel in forreign parts, Has induced them very Chearfully to Approve of the proposal, And that a Matter of such Moment, and which so much tends to answer the design of this Societys Erection, may not be protracted. The General Court have given full powers and Instructions to their Committee to receive any Applications that shall be made to them by the Honourable Trustees for Georgia, To agree with a proper person for being sent to the said Colony, And to grant such person a Commission & Recommendation with a Suitable Salary or Annual Allowance for his Service there. The Committee will afterwards acquaint you, that it’s the Resolution of the Society here, that the Commission & Instructions to the Missionary for Georgia, be Similar to these given to the Society’s Missionarys in New England. And it will be found likewise necessary, That the Society have some Correspondents in Georgia, But as to this you will be pleased to Consult the Honourable Gentlemen, Mr Oglethorpe, William Belitha Esqr and the Revd Doctor [Stephen] Hales and others of our Correspondents. Please acquaint those Gentlemen that their Recommendation of this affair, has had its due Weight with the General Meeting, At whose Appointment This is signifyed to you.
Philip Delegal to James Oglethorpe, Aug. 14, 1735, Fort Frederick, S. C., C.O. 5/637, pp. 200-201, thanking Oglethorpe for helping his son.
I reciev’d the Letter you Honour’d me with dated ye 16th of May Last, with the Agreeable News of the Preferment that you was so Generously Pleased to get of His Majesty for my Son. I take leave to gieve you my Hearty thanks for so Great a Favour. I have not Words Sufficient to Express my Self how much I am Oblig’d to Your Honour. I shall always seek all Oppetunities to Acknowledge with all the Gratitude in my power. I have acquainted Mr Causton according to your desire. If it should Happen any Disturbance in the Coloney & that he gives me timely Notice I shall be ready to do him all ye Service in my Power both by acting & Threatning ye Mutineers, notwithstanding that I am Directly under the Command of the Governour of South Carolina, no man being more Willing to serve the Colony than my self. I do not think it Proper to ask the Governours Aprobation in assisting your Colony upon so Critical a times by reason there is a dispute between the South Carolinas Agent & the Indian nation and your Agent about the Trade but as soon as I found Oportunity I shall not Fail to write to him, wishing for nothing more than to be Able to gieve you the Most Convincing Proof Thereof.
P.S. My Son is at this Present in the Country or else he would done himself the Honour to have wrote to you.
Paul Amatis to the Trustees, Aug. 15, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, pp. 203-204, Egmont 14201, pp. 165-167, concerning his brother and the Camuses leaving Georgia and his work in the garden.
Yesterday I received the Favour of yours of the 30th April, having already Answered that of ye 12th May as may be seen by the Inclosed Copy of mine of ye 24th July. My Brother Nicholas Amatis having Acted Contrary to My Orders & against your Interest & mine I have been Constrained to discharge him of your Service. I beg as a Favour that you will have no Regard to him nor to what he may Say against me. Its Certain if I would Sue him; it might intirely ruin him, but I chuse that there be no manner of Notice taken of him, Unless he Spreads false Reports against my Person & Character. In Such Case I beg Youll please to have it writ down that I may Justify my Self by Letters.
The Family of Camuse behaves themselves very Ill towards me. I am obliged to make em come before the Magistrates to make em prove what they have writen against me & I hope The Magistrates will Punish them as they deserve. By first Opportunity I shall Communicate to yor Honnours ye Ground of our Difference, wch was partly for having Stopt My Brother & the Family of Camuse at Port Royal by a Warrant having recd an Express from My Corespondt there that My Brother and that Family were on their departure to return home. I hope youll be so good to write to the Magistrates to take no manner of Notice of that Family Unless I do them wrong or that I do not Supply them with their Usual Provisions. I beg youll be persuaded that I Shall take all the Care I possibly can for your Interest & that with ye Blessing of God I shall bring about to Some Perfection My Undertaking for my Glory & your Satisfaction. I begin to take Some Pleasure & to Enjoy Some Satisfaction Since I have received your two Letters & I hope that hereafter youll Read no more Complaints in My Letters. Those that Used to make me Uneasy Seem to be Reconciled at Least to outward Appearance, & in Return for your Goodness I do my Duty in ye Garden with a great deal of Pleasure & Satisfaction for ye Common Interest of yor Colony.
As I have had but Two of your Servants for a Long time to work in your Garden, I have been obliged to hire four others at £ 10 Currancy per Month together with the Provissions from the Store. This I do to put your Garden in ye best order I can before a Trustee arrive here that he may at his Arrival find something in Savannah that may Please him. I hope to depart hence for London the Latter End of January. I shall then have the Honnr to tell you my Mind by word of Mouth in relation to ye Raw Silk. Theres no doubt of meeting with Success & in ye Utmost Perfection as well as in any part of ye Universe. I always recomend myself to your Gracious Favour, whatever you please to order I shall always be ready to Obey. I Expect in the Fall to give The Freeholders many Thousand Fine Mulberry Trees to be Transplanted. While they Improve their Lands for that Purpose they shall want no Trees. Let em do their Part and I Shall not be wanting on mine.
John Thompson250 to the Trustees, Aug. 20, 1735, Abercorn, C.O. 5/637, pp. 206-208, concerning his illness and desire for employment.
Your honours pettioner humbly Sheweth
Whereas the last four or five Years of my dwelling in England I was employed as a Clark to a Refinery of Lead & Copper (at the Works adjoyning to Sr John Thompson’s Grainneryes in the parrish of Rotherhith) untill such time as the Work were broak up by Death. The last of which years I was three times poysoned by Lead Ashes as the doctor that dwells over against mr Taylers Yard in Queen Street in the above said parrish can Testifie upon Oath. The last of which poyson affected my nerves in and after such a manner that even now if I stoop but little or stir much for a time I loose my Eye Sight & the Use of limbs in a moment attended likewise by a Violent Vomiting which renders me incapable of working in the Ground to mine or my famelyes advantadge as I am desireous of. However I have near a quarter of a mile of my lott Cleared & do believe diligence & industery attended with the blessing of heaven would soon hand in comfortable Supply but my disorder much increasing upon me renders me wholy insufficient any longer for the performance of the same besides haveing in my first Setting out in the World lost my Substance & paying a way the utmost farthing to my Creditors, come over hither uncapable of buying me a Servant or Servants (to Suply my defect) or even Cattle or hoggs for the comfort of my family. All the favour that I can presume to Crave of your honours is that I may be permitted to dwell in the Town of Savannah that I may be able once more to geett my bread by my pen or any other way that God in his Wisdom Shall think fitt. Yr honours will find me registied (as Wrighting master in the parrish of St Olives Soothwork) in the Bishops Court to which this parrish belongs, & had continued to this day in the Same in all probability where it not that I was perswaded to lay it down for a place of much more advantage in the English Church at amsterdam in Holland, which proving Abbortive is & has been the means under God of bringging me hither to this Country which may well be termed the Garden of the World, which I doubt not but by the Wisdom of your honours & Just Administration of will soon render this Excellent priovince formidable boath at home & abroad & the bullwark of his Majesties Imperial dominions in these parts. That this may be happily efected is the Sincear desire & prayer.
The Rev. Samuel Quincy to Harman Verelst, Aug. 28, 1735, Savannah, received Dec. 6, 1735, C.O. 5/637, pp. 212-213, Egmont 14201, pp. 169-171, concerning Joseph Watson’s trial and the lack of any conspiracies in Georgia.
I did my Self the Honr of Writing to the Board by Capt [William] Tompson in Answer to one I recd from you, wc was abt 6 Months from the date of it before it came to hand; I Shd not otherwise have been guilty of such unpardonable Rudeness as to have delay’d Writing so long. I am very sorry that my Acct of Mr [Joseph] Watson’s Tryal shd be displeasing to the Gentn. It was not wrote out of any Prejudice to the Person complained of, or Delight that I take in saying ill-natured things. I heartily wish that Mr Causton had merited a good Character, & Shd have given it him wth the greatest Pleasure; but I have been a close Observer in the Affair of Watson, & am very certain that when Causton’s Proceedings agt him come to be strictly inquir’d into, they will be found far from commendable. But ye Proof of things must be left till we have the Happiness of some one over here to do Justice amgt us, in Expectation of wc the Colony is at present very easy.
Mr [John] West, who I hope is long since arriv’d in Captn Thompson, will inform the Gentn fully of Affairs here, & therefore I need not trouble them wth a long Acct. But I must bare this Testimony to ye Colony in general, that the Freeholders have behav’d themselves very quietly and peaceably, & if they have been represented to have done otherwise, it will appear upon Examination to be a false & malicious Representation. There has been no one Mutinous Action in the Colony besides that of [Francis ?] Mugridges breaking the Prison, when he was assisted to it by [John] Musgrove, wc certainly was a Fault, tho’ ye Cause for wc he was committed, as I have heard it was not just. But as for Plots & Conspiracies to destroy the Colony or the like, I am very certain no Freeholder has been concern’d in them; & indeed Mr Causton has frequently to me & others declared yt he believed the same. The Conspiracy that alarm’d us some time since, was hatch’d by a few Irish Transports, & some Vagabonds of like Acct who were then under Confinemt & not in a Capacity to do any Hurt tho’ their Wills might be good. I mention these things, because I very much suspect, by a Letter I have reed from a Friend, that several honest People lie under the Imputation of Conspirators, or being joined wth Conspiratrs Who wd abhor any such thing. But these Matters, I doubt not, will be thoroughly brought to Light, & the Blame fall where it is due.
I desire the Favr of you Sir, to inform the Honble Trustees, that I find it will not suit well wth my Affairs to stay longer here than next Spring, & therefore beg their Leave to return Home in that Time. I have wrote several Letters to my Wife, & sollicited her to come over wth her Family; but find her very unwilling to it, & desirous that I shd return. It wd be in vain to urge her too much agt her Inclination, because then She wd probably be uneasy here. I do not propose setting out till some time in March, which will allow sufficient time for the Gentn to provide, & send one over in my Room. If while I am here I can be of any Service in sending the Honble the Trustees such Informations as they desire, I shall readily obey their Commands.
Philip George Frederick Von Reck to James Oglethorpe [?], Aug. 1735, (N.S.), Ratisbonne, C.O. 5/637, p. 250, concerning Carinthien women and children who wish to join their husbands and fathers and emigrate to America. Translated from the original French.
I have received on the 5th instant, N.S., the letter which you have done me the honour to write, and along with it the credit for £ 100 Sterling, but as the departure of the transport depends yet upon the favourable resolution that we are expecting by Mr Robinson of the Court of Vienna, to obtain for the Carinthien women and children the liberty of joining their husbands and fathers, I cannot yet send an exact list, so I will draw nothing upon the note, not being able to set out until after that junction. Not having yet had a response to two letters which I have sent to Mr Robinson, I know not what course this affair has taken, or will take.
I am very desirous, however, of soon having an occasion to merit in some manner the gracious resolutions which it has pleased the very honourable Gentlemen, the Trustees, to take for my establishment in Georgia, and to make evident that I am not lacking in the desire to willingly serve them, but that I am effectually, with infinite gratitude, with ardent zeal, and with profound respect.
The Revs. John Martin Bolzius and Israel Christian Gronau to Trustee James Vernon, Sept. 1, 1735, Ebenezer, read Dec. 10, 1735, C.O. 5/637, pp. 218-220, Egmont 14201, pp. 177-178, thanking him and the Trustees for their kind attentions and reporting things generally good among the Salzburgers.
Most Honoured Sir,
By your reiterated favours, you was pleased to shew us in your letter of the 13th of April last, we are emboldened once again to trouble you with these humble lines, tho’ we know very well, that your weighty affairs, you undergo to the Welfare of the Publick and Church, will not give you much leisure time to read over such letters. The contents of your letter were so grateful & pleasant to us, that we could not forbear to make them known to all our Saltzburghers, that they might share in the pleasure & good advices, we have received by them. And we beg the favour to as sue you, that the people was not a little overjoy’d on account of your very great favour to them as well as of the comfortable expressions, which were very fit to encourage then in suffering with patience all the incommodities true Christians & the first Settlers of a Colony meet with commonly. Our great Benefactors have made hitherto such incommodities as easy as possible they could by furnishing them all, what they wanted viz. their victuals, tools & many more necessary things. And since we have marks enough of the continuance of their favours to them, it makes us rejoice & bring the sacrifices of our humble thanks and intercessions to Almighty God for the prosperity of those generous Benefactors. We find the people very well contented with all what the Honourable the Trustees please to resolve about their land, which happened indeed barren, firmly believing that good God, who provided his people in the wilderness with the necessaries of this life, will bless their earnest Work insomuch, that they may gain their victuals in sweat of their face, tho’ most every body of English people trouble & discourage them by their talkings of their unhappy Settlement. We long very much after the safe Arrival of our dear beloved Father, Mr Oglethorpe, who will and can bring all things among us to such an order, as will be profitable to us. And being informed by Mr Causton and other Gentlemen at Savannah, that Mr Oglethorpe is expected next time in this Colonie, we could not shew our humble Respects in writing to him, but hope to do it shortly in person. The Saltzburghers are all, except some persons, in good health, & work earnestly; however they will be double diligent, if they should know, whether they should be removed to an other place or no. To perform their calling in regard both to Christianism & oudward business, is their greatest pleasure, as our dear Benefactors will find it by experience in time to come. Their Cattle, you was pleased to mention of, make to the people a very great pleasure being brought up to have Cattle, and to make use of them. All the Cattle, we received by Care of Mr Causton, are in life except two heads, that are dead, and one is shot by the Indians. For the two boys, the Trustees were pleased to send to our service, we return many thanks. They are not so well-natured & obedient as [Henry] Bishop, but we hope, they will be brought to good order by the holy word of God & other good means. We dare not presume to trouble you further; wherefore we leave you & your weighty Affairs to the protection of merciful God, & us with our flock to your farther paternal Affection & Favour.
[P.S.] Mr. [John] Vat presents his humble service to you, and we both to Capt. Coram.
The Rev. Samuel Urlsperger to the Rev. Henry Newman, Sept. 1, 1735 (N. S.), Augsburg, C.O. 5/637, pp. 215-216, telling of Austrians and Salzburgers about to leave for Georgia and enclosing a list of the settlers.251 Translated from the original French.
Hond & Dear Sr,
Mr [Philip]de Reck, the Agent, arrived here yesterday evening with 16 Austrians; Twenty Saltzburgers will join them. They will all leave together Monday next for Frankfort. Enclosed is the list of these people; although, to all appearances, it will be increased by a few more whom we are expecting every day. I will mail you at once on their arrival a more accurate list.
It is a pity that the Imperial Court has not taken any resolution regarding the Carinthians; Mr de Reck is forced to set out without them. I see, too, by the last letters from Lusatia that the Bohemians cannot make up their minds to go to Georgia without a minister to preach the Gospel to them in their own tongue; for they do not understand German. You will see this by the enclosed copy of the letter from Lusatia. So far as I can see, it is a question of the Trustees agreeing to take several hundred Bohemians on the same conditions as the Saltzburghers, giving them a minister who understands Bohemian, and interesting themselves at the court of Saxony on behalf of the Lipperda mentioned in the above letter. I see in the matter many difficulties on every side and much expense. The transport that is leaving will carry some 40 passengers, including the agent and his brother.
May God be mindful of his suffering servants!
P. S. Having nothing to add more than the assurance of my respects— as also those of Mr [James] Vernon and Mr Oglethorpe—, I beg you to delay the boat and give these gentlemen and Mr Simonds the list of emigrants.
Thomas Causton to the Trustees, Sept. 8, 1735, Savannah, received Dec. 6, 1735, C.O. 5/637, pp. 221-222, Egmont 14201, pp. 181-185, sending accounts and reporting the province generally quiet and healthy, problems at Tybee and Skidoway, scouting to the southward, a method to keep debtors out of prison, enforcement of the rum law, the harvest, and the marriage of the Rev. John Martin Bolzius.
May it Please Yor Honours.
Captain [Patrick] Mackay being at Port Royall when I dispatcht my Last Letters, I had not the Opportunity to get his Attestation to his Muster Roll and Accounts in the Manner I intended, therefore, was obliged to Omitt it.
I have now sent that whole Acct and the Vouchers; Also Mr Woodwards former and Later Accounts, which last Acct is the Perticular advice and contains the Value of a Bill of Exchange drawn on Your Honours for the Sume of Sixty nine pounds Sixteen shillings & three pence dated the 12th of August last.
Affairs of the Province are generally very quiet; And the People very Healthy. The particular Account of Improvements now Sent, will I hope excuse my pointing out the most Indolent; And Your Honours may be very certain, That I have endeavoured to give Encouragement to the Industrious, tho’ perhaps, Sometimes their other Behaviour has obliged me to show a necessary Authority; In both which Cases, I have endeavoured to avoid partiality.
As I now daily expect Your Honour’s Speciall Comission will arrive I trust, that I shall (at least) be vindicated with regard to my publick Conduct, tho’ I despair, of having that Satisfaction from my Accusers (due to me) In Repairacon of the Damage, They by their wicked reports have done me, in my Private Interest, both here and in England.
Hitherto, I have been Silent, with Regard to Tibee and Skidowa Settlemts. They have both been Repeatedly advised, encouraged and Cautioned as Occasion served by me; and sometimes, by the Magistrates.
As to Tibee, the first Settlers being mostly Dead, I have given an Encouragement, for such to work there, as [William] Blithman has desired from time to time, Some of whom have a Desire to become Setlers there. But because I found, that by Blithman’s Managemt the Work252 grew very Expensive: I discharged all the Men, who did not intend to abide there, So that there now remains, only those, who have a Desire to Settle. By doing so, I thought the Originall Strength of that Settlement was supported and the work continued. I have directed a Report to be made of that work, pursuant to Your Honours Orders & shall Send the Particular Accounts with it.
As to Skidowa, They have been in generall so idle, that I believe some of them, after all your Honours favours, and the constant Assistance I have never failed to give them, will endeavour to Desert. Captain [William] Ferguson is now here, and has intimated this to me, as his Suspition; The Magistrates have therefore given him Authority to pursue and Seize any of them so deserting or Attempting to desert. But tho’ the Real Industry of these Settlements must soon be unavoidably Seen to their Discreditt, I hope here will be found others who by a late Behaviour will in some Degree Avoid your displeasure. The Constables and Tythingmen have lately frequented a Military exercise, and are more diligent in that Duty.
Thomas Mellichamp whom I mentioned in my Last to be Indicted for forgery and fled from hence is taken in the fact and all his Implements with him; He was taken in Carolina, and is in the Charles Town Goal.
Captain [William] Ferguson in his last Scout to the Southwd had the Misfortune to have one of his Men fall dangerously ill & is since Dead, So that he returned sooner than he intended without making any Discovery. Tomochachi, the boy Tooanahowi, Hillispilli, Tallahummi, Umpichi, and Histanloppi returned the 18th of August, and brot the following Account vizt
“Tomochachi Says, That he and the Boy was beyond St Simon’s and Saw an Indian Man. The Boy ran, for fear of being killed. They lett the Man pass, and believe he did not see him. That Histanloppi saw another Indian Man the same day; And Tallahummi was out late, and they feared he was killed, but he came home, and then they all came away, believing a great Party might be there. That he Supposes, those Indians were on the Scout, for if they had been hunting they should have heard Guns. They saw no Settlement or any Boats.”
The Magistrates held a Town Court on the 23d of August wch was one of the Six weeks Courts, and there are no Courts held at other times, But on particular Occasions. As many Actions are taken out, And the Debts which the people contract with each other, must unavoidably throw some of them into Goal, The Magistrates to avoid so melancholy an Appearance, questioned every one who owed money, & had Action against them, how far, they were able to discharge their Debts, some of whom, not being at present able, agreed to a Method of payment, which is set forth in the enclosed Order. Which I now lay before Your Honours in hopes; that tho’ we have not Power to deny Actions against any One (as is therein mentioned) You will nevertheless approve of this Method or direct some other to answer the same purpose; Since on the One hand, going to Goal cannot pay Debts So on the Other hand, it can be no Damage to a future Creditor, who shall be so Imprudent as to Trust any man, whose Circumstances are thus made publick. The Magistrates are of Opinion, that something of this nature is necessary in regard, that there is too great an Inclination among the People to gett into Debt, which I fear, will prove fatall to some.
The Prohibition of Rum is pursued by the Magistrates with all possible diligence, And that Your Honours orders, might have Effect, they lately Ordered, that the Constables on Guard should comand all Pettiaugoes and Boats of Traffick to come to a Grapling and imediately Report their Loading and Consignaments, And that nothing should be delivered over the Boats side without his Permitt. And He to make Report of all such Matters to the Magistrates, when his Ward had finisht their Guard turns. Notwithstanding this, I had information, that one Morgan from Charles Town had publickly landed severall Casks of Rum. I went myself and Seized Six Barrills and placed a Centinell. The Magestrates mett, in the Town house, and ordered the Guard under Arms to Attend, And having examined Morgan about the Matter, It was very plain, the Officer, had neglected his Duty, and having condemned the Liquor, Ordered [John] Coats then upon Duty, to take Assistance and Stave it. He soon returned, and Said, he could gett none to Assist him, and he was Unable to do it himself. I charged him, and two or three others to follow me, and I and Mr Recorder went to the House, turned out the People who was gathered thither, And without any Opposition, I Staved one myself, and Mr Recorder Staved another. The Suffering men, begged hard, and declared his Poverty, which I had reason to beleive was true. Therefore the Magistrates agreed to let him carry the Remainder back again.
The Harvest is now Begun, and many of the People have begun to bring their Corn to the Magazine to be placed to their Respective Accounts and we are in hopes of some Encouragement for what they can spare, in the Price, In Regard to the present price of Labour and the badness of the Roads. Mr [Roger or James] Lacey of Thunderbolt has just now informed me, that he shall Raise a Thousand Bushells of Corn Peas or Potatoes.
The People of Ebenezer having reced their Cattle take great care of them, and are exceedingly Satisfyed with Your Honours Care exprest in yor last Letters. They have now sent a large Pacquett which Mr [John M.] Boltsius informs me is to Declare a thorough Satisfaction, and to Invite some more of their Brethren to them. Mr Boltsius was lately married to One of his own Congregation. He comunicated this to me, and invited me to be present, But being allways Engaged in business, I excused myself, and desired that he would Order One of the Steers to be killed at his Town and Accept of an Hogshead of English Beer to Entertain his Congregation. I judged, that as I had this Oppertunity to give Encouragemt to so Industrious a People, the Gift would not be disagreeable to your Honours.
I have now an Oppertunity to send this with the Enclosed.253
Samuel Eveleigh to Benjamin Martyn, Sept. 10, 1735, South Carolina, read Nov. 17, 1735, C.O. 5/637, pp. 224-225, Egmont 14201, pp. 189-192, concerning the need of Negroes in Georgia, timber cutting, shipbuilding, and rice production there.
About a fortnight Since I came from Georga Where I had been three Months and an half waiting the Arrivall of three Vessells, Two of which arrived, And the third Here where I Stopt her, but design She Shall goe (when laden) within Tibey and come to an Anchor off of Cock Spurr Island, And take in Some Skins that are ready and So proceed for Bristoll.
A little before I came from Georga I recd your acceptable favour of the first of May, and am Sorry I am Obliged to Acquaint you, that I did not find thing’s Answer there as I Expected. For I found the Lumber to cost me (being cutt by White people) four Times as much more than if I had brought the Schooner into one of the River’s of this province and have gott her loaded here.
I take notice that The Trustees had passt an Act (which had the royal Approbation) against the Importacon and Use of Negroes in their Province, And that it was the general received Opinion, that it was A Necessary and useful Act. But [I] do assure you that here, where they ought (at least) to be better acquainted in these Affair’s than the Gentm in Engld, They are of farr diffarent Sentiment’s, And they all unanimously agree, (at least Such as I have talk’t with) That, without Negroes Georgia can never be a Colony of any great Consequence. But, Since the Trustees have thought fitt to pass Such A Law, I Shall Say no more, Only make this One remark. That I observed whilst at Georga great Quantities of Choice good Land for Rice, And am possitive that, that Commodity can’t (in any great quantity’s) be produced by white people. Because the work is too laborious, the heat very intent, And the Whites can’t work in the wett at that Season of the Year as Negrs do to weed the Rice.
I took a Tripp from thence down to an Island called Ossebaw, about forty Miles to the Soward of Savannah, Where I saw a vast Quantity of live Oak Timber, and very Convenient places for building of Ships. And (if my Information is right) I presume there can’t be less on that Island or thereabout, than what will build a thousand Sail of good Vessells, and very Convenient. We went about Eight Miles up into the Crick, very near the heart of the Island, where wee came to an open Savannah as level as a dice, and not a Tree in it, Except A few Sassafras, and them no bigger than ones Thigh. It’s Supposed these were formerly Indian Fields, and that they will bear both Corn and Rice, and are also Extraordinary good for Cattle, There growing upon it Small Canes Grass and other Weeds as high as one’s Head, for which Reason’s I look upon that Island to be very valuable. What wee Saw of that Land was computed to be three thousand Acres, And I am informed that at the So West End ther’s A great deal more of the Same Sort, wch Land (if burn’t in the Spring) plow’d and planted for two or three Year’s will make Extraordinary good Meadow Land. And that would be Easie to do, Because ther’s neither Stumps nor Stones. Besides all the Islands (both Small and great) And the Main land next to the Sea are Plentifully Stored with live Oak Timber.
The Reason that induced me to desire the two Tracts of Land, was upon the Acct Chiefly of Trade, for the Rent of the Houses in Georga are Extravegantly dear. And Such as is not to be born With. I Pay there for four little Room’s after the Rate of Sixty pounds Sterlg per Annum, When upon this Bay, I can gett as much Room for less than a quarter of the Money, And beter Secured from the Weather.
Since I wrote that Letter, I have Seen Capt [John] Pennefeather’s Grant for three Hundred Acres of Land in Georga. The Terms of which I Esteem So unreasonable. I Should not be willing to lay out any Sum of Money in improveing any Land there. I can’t tell how farr they may be able in Georga to Erect Saw Mills. That of Mr [Robert] Parker’s I am Sensible cannot do as it is. Mr [Walter] Augustine was erecting One whilst I was there, which carrys Some Appearance of being brought to Perfection, tho I don’t rightly understand it. He desired me to Send you up Some Saws, which I Shall do this Week Haveing Some that have lain by me a Considerable Time.
The Design of the Trustees in relieving the Poor insolvent Debtors And persecuted Protestant’s Abroad are very humane and Laudable, And deserves Incouragement from Every Person that is in A Capacity to Assist them. But as my Talent lies chiefly in Trade, by not Admitting Negroes will hinder me from what I had thought of, or doeing that Service which otherwise I might.
I am farr from being concern’d with any Mines Especially Gold and Silver, But if there was a prospect of Such a thing, I doubt not but a great many People Who have much money would be glad to be concerned therein, And that laid out in Georga would be much to the Advantage of that Province.
There are Several Thing’s I wrote Mr Oglethorpe about I Should be glad to hear his Opinion of, But as He is Shortly Expected here and Some Say as Governr I Shall quickly have his Sentiments thereon.