Governor Robert Johnson1 to James Oglethorpe, Sept. 28, 1732, Charles Town, received Dec. 1732, Egmont 14200, pp. 1-3, concerning the settlement of Georgia.
I have the favour of Yours of May the 15th. I rejoice that Your indefatigable Industry in Acts of Charity and benevolence to Mankind has met with Success.
You are too good in the Sentiments You have conceived of me; neither my Capacity or Ability enables me to be very usefull to the Publick, but my Endeavours Shall never be wanting, in being observant & usefull to those of more extensive Knowledge and Abilitys to do good. It was with that view that I prevented the Lands in that part of the Province that the Trustees have obtained from being Surveyed and purchased till I knew the Success of the Corporation’s Applications; which although I had no advice of I flatter’d my self would Succeed, from the Nobleness of the Intention and Ability of the Undertakers. Some few People had Surveyed small Quantitys of Land on the South Side of Savannah River before my Proclamation issued, but I have granted them no Titles, but tell them I suppose upon Application to the Trustees, when Affairs are Settled they may obtain Grants from them and probably may have a Preference in Consideration of the Charge they have been at in the Survey they have made.
I do believe it would have been of great Service to the Design if such a Person as Mr. St. Julian2 could have been prevailed upon to have taken the Direction of the first Transport, one who knows the Country and the manner of new Settling, and who has Capacity, Integrity, Honesty and Constitution, being Seasoned to the Climate, to undergo the fatigue that will attend it; for I assure You I know by Experience that Undertakings of this nature require the Management here of those who know the Climate and manner of Settling. I write this of my own head for Mr. St. Julian had no thought of being employed further, as he says himself, in any other manner than to assist them all he can when they arrive. I hope the first Transport won’t be given to the Management of a Stranger to these parts and Settlements.
This Town has been visited with a malignant Feaver, brought in from the Islands which in about two months carried off 130 whites besides a great Number of Blacks. I thought my Duty required my Presence in Town, and I have lost a Son and three Servants out of my Family, but my greatest Affliction is the Loss of the best of Wives just before by a fall from her Horse. The Distemper is almost over.
There are Letters from Mr. Pury’s Correspondent in London inform us that we may expect him with two hundred Souls from Switzerland in a very short time.3 We are likely to have great Quantity of Corn and Rice this year, which will be well for new Comers.
I have ordered my Correspondent by this opportunity to Subscribe £ 50 towards your Undertaking, which the Trustees will please to accept, only as a Token of my good Wishes to the Design.
A great Consideration is where You first design to Set down and build your Town. The Goodness of the Harbour and Land are chiefly to be considered, and I am advised that Alatamaha River is the best and the properest Place. You must by all means order your Ships and People directly there, and not to come a Shore here; a hundred Inconveniencys will ensue, and I think You should employ Agents here to build convenient Houses, and provide fresh Provision for them. All this will require a year’s time at least, So I don’t Suppose You will make any Imbarkation till this time twelve months. I must likewise take the Liberty to advise You to send none but People used to Labour and of Sober Life and Conversation, for others will never be govern’d nor make good Settlers. For much hardship, Sickness and Labour will attend their first Settling, which will not be born by People used to Idleness or Luxury, and So far from being thankfull for the Bounty bestowed upon them, will be discontented and mutinous.
In whatever the Society instructs me I can be serviceable to them in, I shall with pleasure obey.
James Oglethorpe to the Trustees, Nov. 18, 1732, on board the Ann off Deal, Egmont 14200, pp. 5-6, concerning the sailing of the Ann and the Amatis brothers.
We Sailed from Gravesend on Thursday 17th Novr. about 9 in the morning falling Down with the Tide, but came to an Anchor at night between the Nore and the Downs the Pilot not chusing to venture over the Flats in the night time. We weigh’d Anchor again early this morning the Wind blowing very fresh at N. N. E. So that we got to Deal about 11 o’clock and the Wind being very fair to carry us through the Channel we stay only to take in fresh Provisions and send away our Dispatches. Before We Sailed we dismissed William Gainsford one of the Sawyers, he desiring it because his family is taken ill with the small Pox at home and Sent for him. All the Colony are very well except Sea Sickness, which the Doctor and I have escaped hitherto. We take as much fresh Provision as we can Stow for the People at Deal. As Gainsford is taken off at £ 4 Mr. Amatis4 is to be added at £ 6 to the List. Dr. Cox and Mr. Fitzwalter have behaved remarkably well and all the rest are very orderly and patient. The Agreement with Mr. Amatis is that his Brother bring with him 2 Men and 4 Women who understand the whole of the Silk Business; and he is to have after the rate of £ 10 p Head in Discharge of all Expences whatsoever from Turin to London and £ 10 more to be paid to him for 4 1b. Silkworms Eggs and a Copper for boiling and a Machine for Winding, the whole amounting to £ 80 to be paid in the manner settled with Mr. Simond vizt. £ 60 in France and £ 20 in London. As Soon as ever they arrive please to let them be sent in one of Mr. Simond’s Ships where they will find Some People that can Speak French and Care Should be taken to keep them as private and let them stay as little as possible in Town for those Persons Mr. Vernon mentioned will endeavour to Seduce them, and every body knows their Industry. When Mr. Nicholas Amatis arrives I would desire the Trustees to advise with him what Measures are farther proper to be taken and to excuse his Brother’s going away before his Arrival.
[P.S.] Dr. Herbert’s Respects attend all the Society.
William Houstoun5 to James Oglethorpe, Dec. 21, 1732, Kingston in Jamaica, Egmont, 14200, p. 9, concerning his botanical finds.
I wrote to You from the Madera the 9th of Novr. that I was carrying from thence two Tubs full of Cuttings of Vines. I arrived with them here in good order yesternight, for most of them are budding and Some have put out Shoots of an inch or two long which is something Surprizing considering that they were taken off just after they had exhausted themselves in the Production of Grapes and Leaves. I went this morning to wait upon Mr. Pratter the S. S. [South Sea] Company’s Agent in this place, who has very kindly granted me Leave to go over in a Snow which is to Sail in a few days for Carthagena.6 I have given one of the Tubs to him, which he is to plant out in a Garden he has near the Town, and the other I shall commit to the care of a friend of my own, who has a Plantation a few miles off. So that when I am to Set out for Georgia I hope I Shall receive my own with Usury.
My former Letter went by way of Lisbon, & lest You Should not have received it I shall repeat here that Messrs. Rider and Chalmbers have promised me to Send Cuttings to Mr. St. Julian by the first Ship that should go for Carolina; & that there is but one Cinnamon Tree in the Island of Madera.
I shall endeavour to behave my self So as to give Satisfaction to You and the rest of the Honble. Trustees.
We just now discover the Coast of America and it proves to be the Land which lyes off Charles town. We are now within nine Miles distant and can from the Deck with the naked Eye discover the Trees just above the Horrizon, No disagreeable sight to those who for seven weeks have seen nothing but Sea and Sky. We have had a very favourable Passage considering that we passed the Tropick of Cancer and Stood to the Southward till we came into 20 Degrees and then Stood back again to 32 where we now are. By this means we lengthened our Navagation from England above a third which was done to avoid the fury of the North west Winds that generaly rage in the Winter season on the Coast of America. We have lost none of our People except the Youngest Son of Richard Cannon aged Eight Months and the Youngest Sone of Robert Clarke Aged one Year and an half both of whome were very weakly when I came on Board and had indeed been half Starved thro’ want before they left London, as many others were who are recovered with Food and Care, but these were so far gone that all our Efforts to Save them were in vain. Doctor Herbert and all on Board are in perfect health except Mr. Scott who was bruised with a Fall in the Last Storm. At present we are all in a hurry so must beg leave to refer you for a fuller account to my next Letters. We intend to take in a pilot at this place for to conduct us to Port Royal where we shall hire Imbarkations to carry us to Georgia.
[P.S.] I have seen the Governour who came to meet me on my Landing and the Speaker of the Assembly also came to pay his Compliments to the Trustees. They have promised all assistance. I am just going to return on board 2 of the Clock in the Morning.
William Houstoun to James Oglethorpe, Jan. 25, 1732/3, Carthagena [Cartagena], Egmont 14200, p. 17, concerning botanical finds.
I had the Honour to write to you from Madera and afterwards from Jamaica, in the Last of which I informed you that I had brought to that Island two Tubbs full of Vines in good Condition and of the opportunity I had met with of coming to this place. I arrived here the 3d instant and am very well received at the Factory on account of one Gentleman who is my Relation and Some former acquaintance I had of the rest. But the Governor of the place, who is extreamly severe, makes us all uneasy.
The Ipecacuantia7 plants grows at a place called Mampex about a weekes Journey up the Countery. I cannot possibly be allowed to go there my self but a Spanish Gentleman who sets out for that place to Morrow has engaged to send me down some plants of it in potts, and there are no less then three different persons there besides from each of which I have reason to expect it upon Letters I have procured to be wrote to them. I shall also use my utmost endeavours to get the Seeds of the Trees that produce the Balsam called Capivi8 and of Tolu9 but these being still further up the Country are Consequently harder to be come at. I shall as Soon as possible inform you of my Success.
Governor Robert Johnson and his council (Thomas Broughton, Arthur Middleton, Alexander Skene, Francis Yonge, James Kinloch, John Fenwicke, Thomas Waring, and John Hammerton) to James Oglethorpe, Jan. 26, 1732/3, Charles Town, Egmont 14200, pp. 21-25, concerning South Carolina aid to Georgia’s settlement.
We can’t omit the first opportunity of congratulating You upon your safe Arrival in this Province, wishing You all imaginable Success in your charitable and generous Undertaking in which we beg Leave to assure You any Assistance we can give shall not be wanting in promoting the Same.
The General Assembly having come to the Resolution inclosed, We hope You will accept it as an Instance of our sincere Intentions to forward So good a Work and of our Attachment to a Person who has at all times so generously used his Endeavours to relieve the Poor and deliver them out of their Distress, in which You have hitherto been so successfull that we are persuaded this Undertaking can’t fail under your prudent Conduct which we most heartily wish for. The Rangers and Scout Boats are ordered to attend You as soon as possible.
Colonel Bull a Gentleman of this Board and who we esteem most capable to assist You in the Settling your new Colony is desired to deliver You this and to accompany You, and render You the best Services he is capable of, and is one whose Integrity You may very much depend on.
|Enclosure||The Committee of His Majesty’s Honble. Council appointed to confer with a Comittee of the Lower House, on His Excellency’s Message relating to the Arrival of the Honble. James Oglethorpe Esqr.|
That agreable to His Majesty’s Instructions to His Excellency sent Down together with the said Mesage gave are unanimously of Opinion, that all Due Countenance and Encouragement ought to be given to the Settling of the Colony of Georgia.
And for that and Your Committee apprehend it necessary, That his Excellency be desired to give Orders and Directions that Capt. McPherson together with 15 of the Rangers do forthwith repair to the new Settlement of Georgia to cover & protect Mr. Oglethorpe and those under his Care from any Insults that may be offered them by the Indians, and that they continue and abide there till the new Settlers have enforted themselves, & for such further time as His Excellency may think it necessary.
That the Lieutenant and four men of the Apalachucola Garrison be ordered to march to the Fort on Cambahee to join those of the Rangers that remain: That the Commissary be ordered to find them with Provisions as usual.
That His Excellency will please to give Directions that the Scout Boat at Port Royal do attend the new Settlers as often as His Excellency shall see occasion.
That a Present be given to Mr. Oglethorpe for the new Settlers of Georgia forthwith of an hundred head of breeding Cattle and five Bulls, as also Twenty Breeding Sows and four Boars, with Twenty Barrels of good and merchantable Rice, the whole to be delivered at the Change of the Publick at such Place in Georgia as Mr. Oglethorpe shall appoint.
That Pettiauguas be provided at the Change of the Publick to attend Mr. Oglethorpe at Port Royal in order to carry the new Settlers arrived in the Ship Ann to Georgia with their Effects, and the Artillery and Ammunition now on board.
That Colonel Bull be desired to go to Georgia with the Honble James Oglethorpe Esqr. and to aid him with his best Advice & Assistance in the Settling of that Place.
William Kilbury10 to Francis Harbin, Feb. 6, 1732/3, Yamacraw Bluff, Egmont 14200, pp. 29-30, concerning the arrival in Georgia of the first colonists.
We arrived at Port Royal Jany. 21st where we landed our People in perfect Health to Refresh them and prepare for their Passage to Georgia where the Town is to be built. The People arrived here the 1st of this Instant, and I Landed here (from a Sloop of 70 Tuns which was hired to bring the dry Goods) the 3d of this Instant. As to giving You a particular Account of the Water, it is out of my Power as yet not having a Man on board that knows the River nor how the Channel is. The Bluff where the Town is designed to be built has a fine fresh Water runs by it within 10 foot, where the Sloop can float too at an Hour’s flood. The Country promises to be very good and the Indians are very kind & the People of Carolina are very generous and have presented the Colony with upwards of 200 head of Cattle besides Hogs and Rice and every thing looks with an extraordinary good face. I have a great Satisfaction in my Coming having pleased my Master11 and likewise the People but with a great Deal of Pains hardly have time to write to You. I don’t expect to be otherwise till I see You again which please God will be the latter end of the Year. In about a Week more I shall go down the River to Sound and likewise the Bar. I have made the best as I could a Coming up which will be some help to my second Proceeding. My Service to your family and all friends. My Master is in good Health but indefatigably exposes himself to all cold and Hardship imaginable and extream kind more than ever I could expect. Pray let me hear from You all Opportunitys. I conclude with the hearty Service and the well Wishes for the good Success of your Sincere Friend. &c.
[P.S.] Dr. Herbert is well & Sends his Service to You and desires You will do the same to Mr. Verelst. And pray my Obedt. Service to Mr. Verelst.
James Oglethorpe to the Trustees, Feb. 10, 1732/3, Camp near Savannah, Egmont 14200, pp. 33-34, concerning arrival in Georgia and the work at Savannah.
I gave you an Account in my last of our arrival at Charles Town. The Governour and Assembly have given us all possible encouragement. Our people arrived at Beaufort on the 20th of January where I lodged them in Some new Barrachs built for the Soldiers whilst I went my self to view the Savannah River. I fixed upon a healthy situation about ten miles from the Sea. The River there formes a half Moon along the South side of which the Banks are about 40 foot high and upon the top a flat which they call a Bluff. The plain high ground extends into the Country Five or Six Miles and along the River side about a Mile. Ships that draw twelve foot water can ride within ten Yards of the Bank. Upon the River side in the Center of this plain, I have laid out the Town. Over against it is an Island of very rich land fit for pasturage which I think should be Kept for the Trustees Cattle. The River is prety wide the water fresh, and from the Key of ye Town you See its whole course to the Sea with the Island of Tybe which forms the mouth of the River and the other way you may See the River for about Six miles up into the Country. The Land skip is very agreeable the Stream being wide and bordered with high Woods on both sides. The whole people arrived of the first of Febty. At Night their Tents were got up. Till the 7th wee were taken up in unloading and making a Crane which I even then could not Get finished so took off the hands and set some to the Fortification and begun to fell ye Woods. I marked out the Town and Common. Half of the former is allready cleared and the first House was begun Yesterday in the afternoon. Not being able to get Negroes I have taken Ten of the independant Company to work for us for which I make them an allowance. I send you a Coppy of the Resolutions of the Assembly and the Governour & Councills Letter to me which you may Judge whether it will not be proper to print. Mr. [John] Whitaker has given us one Hundred head of Cattle. Collonel [William] Bull, Mr. Barlow, Mr. [Peter or James] Julian, and Mr. [Samuel] Woodward12 are come up to assist us with some of their own Servants. Our people are all alive but ten are ill with the bloody Flux which I take to proceed from the cold and their not being accustomed to lye in Tents. I am so taken up in looking after a hundred necessery things that I write now short but shall give you a more particular Account hereafter. A little Indian nation the only one within fifty miles is not only at amity but desire to be subject to the Trustees to have land given them and to breed their Children at our Schools. Their Cheif and his beloved man who is the Second man in the Nation desire to be instructed in the Christian Religion.
Governor Robert Johnson to Benjamin Martyn, Feb. 12, 1732/3, Charles Town, Egmont 14200, pp. 37-39, concerning South Carolina aid to Georgia’s settlement.
I have rec’d the favour of yours dated the 20th of October and the Duplicate of the 24th. I beg You will assure the Honble. Trustees of my most humble Respects, and that I will attach myself to render them and their laudable Undertaking all the Service in my Power.
Mr. Oglethorpe arrived here with his People in good Health the 13th Decr. I ordered him a Pilot, and in ten hours he proceeded to Port Royal, where he arrived safe the 19th and I understand from thence, that after refreshing his People a little in our Barracks he with all Expedition proceeded to Yamacraw upon Savannah River about twelve miles from the Sea, where he designs to fix those he has brought with him.
I do assure You that upon the first News I had of this Imbarkation I was not wanting in giving the necessary Orders for their Reception, and being assisted at Port Royal, altho’ they were here almost as soon as we heard of their Design of Coming, not knowing whether Mr. Oglethorpe designed directly there or would touch here. I am informed he is mighty well Satisfyed with his Reception there and that he likes the Country, and that he should Say things Succeed beyond his Expectation; but I have not yet received a Letter from him since his being at Port Royal.
Our General Assembly meeting 3 days after his Departure, I moved to them their assisting Mr. Oglethorpe in this generous Undertaking; both Houses immediately came to the following Resolution, that he should be furnished at the Publick Expence with one hundred and four heads of breeding Cattle, 25 Hogs and 20 Barrels of good Rice; that Boats should be provided also at the Publick Charge to transport the People, Provisions and Goods from Port Royal to the Place where he designed to Settle, that the Scout Boat and 15 of our Rangers, who are Horsemen and always kept in Pay to discover the motions of the Indians, should attend Mr. Oglethorpe and obey his Commands, in order to protect the new Settlers from any Insults, which I think there is not manner or Danger of; and I have given the necessary Advice and Instructions to our Out Garrisons and the Indians in friendship with us, that they may befriend and assist them.
I did propose the Subsisting them with Provisions for a twelve month, but the Charge has been so great already with the Purisburgers, who have also begun their Settlements, that the Assembly thought the Expence too large, & hope what they have done will be favourably accepted, as being adequate to the Circumstances of the Province which is but poor.
I have likewise prevailed upon Colonel Bull a Member of the Council and a Gentleman of great Probity and Experience in the Affairs of this Province, the Nature of Land and the method of Settling, and who is well acquainted with the manners of the Indians, to attend Mr. Oglethorpe at Georgia with our Compliments, and to offer him his Advice and Assistance; and had not our Assembly been sitting, I would have gone my self.
I received the Trustees Commission, for the Honour of which I beg You will thank them. Thereupon I published the inclosed Advertisemt, but our People are so poor I fear little will be got; I have received nothing as yet. I hope my Agent has paid the Trustees the £ 50 I have ordered towards this good Work, to which I heartily wish all imaginable Success.
P.S. Since the above I have had the pleasure of hearing from Mr. Oglethorpe who gives me an Accot. that his Undertaking goes on very Successfully.
Thomas Penn13 to James Oglethorpe, March 6, 1732/3, Philadelphia, Egmont 14200, pp. 41-42, wishing Georgia well and promising a contribution to help.
I reced. with much pleasure thy letter of the 31st of August by way of Maryland and by Lord Baltimore. As well as its begining a Correspondence with a Gentleman I have so great a regard for as on Subject to me truly deserving the Notice and Assistance of all well disposed persons. I reced. allso with thy Letter a Comision from the trustees of Georgia to my self which I esteem a particular mark of thy Regard and of those Gentlemans who with thee have the Satisfaction to think themselves engaged in a design to render to many poor unfortunate fellow subjects happy. What contribution I intend towards it should have Come by this Ship but wee having had a severe winter which fastned up our River and the ships in it from 17th November till the first of this Month, has put a stop to much of our Merchants Trade So that I could not Get a Bill of Exchange and have since that time considered that no Corn is raised in Carolina (or at least very little) and the Inhabitance supplyed from this place and New York whether it might not be more serviceable to supply those who come first with Bread and flower from this from whence I could send a Smal Slope on purpose. But if no other advice from Carolina, which we soon hope for, that will not be Serviceable I shall enclose thee a Bill for one Hundred pounds Serling from my self and think it my duty to procure what I can from others towards so good a work.
I send by this Ship to a friend of mine in London a Smal quantity of Potash made by a person I have got to teach it the Country people. As soon as I have any Account of what quality it will prove and have settled him on some where he and some others are to worke all the Summer in order to get a large quantity from the different Sorts of wood that I may know which is the most proper for that purpose. I give the Trouble of this because I am sensible of thy regard to the Brittish Colloney and that the Importation of any thing from them to England not interfering with the Manufactures at home must Consequently be much to thy Satisfaction. I desire the to be assured that as I shall allways be ready to do any Service here to the Collony of Georgia, every opportunity also shall be embraced to convince thee that I am with sincere regard.
P.S. Running over my Lre I find some mistakes which by the Captains intending to go to morrow are only interlined, he not allowing me time to dispach all my Ires. On looking over the Commition I find the Sumes Collected are to be remitted to the Trustees and therefore I shall [send] the above mentioned Sum.
James Oglethorpe to the Trustees, March 12, 1732/3, Savannah, Egmont 14200, pp. 45-46, describing Georgia and its settlement.
I have been obliged to make many expences here, the Price given by the Assembly not being near sufficient. I was forced to buy a considerable Quantity of Provisions as also to make up the Arms which was burnt in the Fire and also the Tools many of which were so bad as to be useless. Besides which I have thought it necessary to make several Expences in Gift to the Indians, for Intelligence, Rewards for taking Outlaws and Spies. All which with many other Articles of Expence You will receive as soon as we can get time to make out Copies of our Books.
I have drawn upon You for £ 400 part of which I have paid away and the rest I have by me.
This Province is much larger than we thought it, being 120 Miles from this River to the Alatamaha. This River has a very long Course and a great Trade is carried on by it to the Indians, there having above 12 Trading Boats passed by since I have been here.
There are in Georgia on this Side the Mountains three considerable Nations of Indians, one called the Lower Creeks consisting of nine Towns or rather Cantons making about 1000 Men able to bear Arms. One of these is within half a mile of us and has concluded a Peace with us giving up their Right to All this part of the Country, and I have mark’d out the Lands which they have reserved to themselves. The King comes constantly to Church and is desirous to be instructed in the Christian Religion and has given to me his Nephew a Boy who is his next Heir to educate.
The other two Nations are the Uchees and the Upper Creeks the first consisting of 200, the latter of 1100 men. We agree so well with the Indians that the Creeks and Uchees have referred a Difference to me to determine which otherwise would occasion a War; and one of them has informed me of a Silver mine on the River Side, the Earth of which being wash’d away the Ore lyes bare, of which he promised to bring me a Sample.
Our People still lye in Tents there being only two Clapboard Houses built and three Saw’d Houses framed, our Crane, our Battery of Cannon and Magazine finished. This is all we have been able to do by reason of the Smallness of our Number of which many have been sick and others unused to Labour, though thank God they are now pretty well and we have not lost one Soul since our Arrival here.
I desire some of You will be so kind as to frank the inclosed and send them as directed, being the Natural Thoughts of our whole Colony.
Samuel Parker14 to the Trustees, March 12, 1732/3, Savannah, Egmont 14200, p. 49, recommending friends to come to Georgia.
Your honours have been So good as to promise that those who came in the first Embarkation should have a friend or two sent after us whom we should recommend. And myself being acquainted with two or three that I know have burthensome familyes for whom they can make no provision in future and finding that in all humane probebility they may have an opportunity of doing well here I do hereby recommend them as fit & proper objects of Yor. Honrs. relief. They Signifyed to me their intention of coming after me if I could give them suitable encouragement after my arrival here and having done that by Letters bearing equal date here with. I expect they will two if not three of them attend your Honrs. Thereupon their names are Isaac Spring of East Smithfeild, Victualler, William Perry a plaisterer and house painter of St. Paus’s Shadwell, Avery, Ingenious and necessary man here, and Benjamin Manning of Chelmsford in Essex Husband man. Being willing they should come as soon as possible. I humbly hope if they attend your Honrs. upon the [sic] that they will be inrolled in the next Imbarkation. Abundance of our Collony Joyn with me in renewing our humble thanks for the feavours Reced from your Honrs. And it’s with great pleasure I acquaint your Honrs. that every occurreince seeminly promises a feavourable aspect and every way conduces to answer Your Honrs. good and Laudable Intentions to promote our wealfare in General. That your Honrs. future proceeding in the same designs may succeed and prosper to Gods Glory, Your Honrs. and our Advantage is and shall be the hearty prayer of him who is Your Honrs. most Humble and obedient Servant.
Thomas Causton15 to his wife, March 12, 1732/3, Savannah, Egmont 14200, pp. 53-56, describing Savannah and its settling.
I wrote to You on the 12th of Jany. last from Charles Town Bar which I hope came safe to hand. I had then the favour of Mr. Oglethorpe’s Packet; And promised to write again when we should arrive at our Place of Settlement. We were just a week in our Passage from Charles Town to Port Royal where we Landed and were Lodged at some new Barracks that are there intended for a new Fortification about 3 miles from Beaufort Town. At our Landing Mr. Oglethorpe ordered me to take all the Stores into my Care and to keep an Account of them. And in that Office I shall continue which takes up my whole time. In this Circumstance I could not so much as go to See the Town or Stir half a mile from the Place. But the Accot. I have from other People is enough for me to believe that the Houses there are all of Timber and very few have Glass Windows or Brick Chimneys. But notwithstanding that the People are very Gallant and generous &c seem to live in a very plentifull manner. Some of our Company who went to the Town were entertained in a very elegant manner and every one found some body to entertain them in some Shape or other. We have five or six familys amongst us that are deserving a Gentleman’s Conversation. We continued in those Barracks Ten days, Sailed from thence in Six large Boats, and the Country Scout Boat and the Garrison Boat with 12 Soldiers attending us. We had a very fair Wind and safe Passage being 2 days and then arrived at this place then called Yamacraw and now Savannah. This Place is very high Ground being about 30 Yards upright from low Water mark, about 10 miles from the Sea, and I believe that Ships of 200 Tun will be able to come within 3 miles of us. It is impossible to give a true Description of the Place because we are in a Wood, but I can’t forbear Saying it is a very pleasant one. We have about 100 Indians just by us, and a Trader with them that speaks English and sells almost every thing to them at what Rates he pleases. Mr. Oglethorpe has behaved towards them with so much good Conduct and prudent generosity, that tho’ Some amonst them were ready to Grumble at our Coming yet he has both gain’d their Love & encreased their fearfull Apprehensions of us. They have always Parties out in hunting and they bring us Venison, for which Mr. Oglethorpe pays at a very moderate Rate. They seem to be sober judicious men, Straight and strong almost naked. But the King and the Chiefs wear Coats and Drawers and a piece of Cloth tied about their Legs like Boots. The Queen and her Daughters wear Common printed Calicoe, Jacket and Petticoat without any Head Cloaths. They maintain very little Distinction. At our first Landing, they came to bid us welcome and before them came a Man dancing in Antick Postures with a spread Fan of which Feathers in each hand as a Token of friendship, wch. were fix’d to small Rods about four foot long, Set from Top to Bottom with small Bells like Morrice Dancers which made ajingling whilst the King and others followed making a very uncouth Hollowing. When they came near, Mr. Oglethorpe walked about ten Steps from his Tent to meet them. Then the man with his feathers came forward dancing and talking, which I am informed was repeating a Speech, the Acts of their Chief Warriours, and at times came close and moved his Fans over him & Strok’d him on every Side with them; this continued more than a Quarter of an Hour. Then the King & all the men came in a regular manner & Shook him by the hand; after that the Queen came and all the Women did the like. Then Mr. Oglethorpe conducted them to his Tent and made them Sit down; the next day he made them some Presents to make them Cloathing. This being the 1st of February and of our Landing here We began to pitch our Tents the same Evening, and Set four large Tents Sufficient to hold the greatest part, I lodged in one of them with one Mr. Overend who came out of Aldersgate Street and did live in Cox’s Court. He is a married man, has lived well in the Marcery way [mercer], and has left his Wife in England. But since that the Stores wanting a pretty Deal of Care I lye in the Storehouse by myself.
We have had very little Illness amongst us, having buried none, whilst the Switzers16 (we hear) have buried a great many; We are 20 miles from them. And the chief Reason I believe is that we are on a higher Ground and in dryer Air than they. We are plentifully provided with Victuals, and the Men have a Pint of strong Beer every night after work besides other frequent Refreshments, as Mr. Oglethorpe sees Occasion. Indeed he is both great & Good, and I am certain our Success is owing to his good Conduct only. There is no Room to doubt but that we shall be a flourishing People and hope to be a Thousand men before the Year is ended. We have had very great Assistance from the Gentlemen of Charles Town, have always some of them with us who bring us Workmen to help forward with our Works; they have assisted Mr. Oglethorpe in laying out most of the Lands already. We are according to a Plan directed to be drawn by Mr. Oglethorpe as I mentioned in my last building the Town, have got up three Houses, are Planting and Sowing, and have Sowed about ten Acres in all of different kinds of Seeds. The Houses are made of Timber of one Floor, only a Cock loft over it Sufficient to hold two Beds. The lower part will make one large Room and two small ones and stands in a piece of Ground which with the intended Garden is 20 Yards broad in front and 30 Yards long in depth. We shall have a fine Prospect when the Woods are clear.
As to our Government we are divided into four Tythings each maintaining eleven Men able to bear Arms, of which one is Tythingman, I am one of them; And according with my Ten other men keep Guard every fourth night. Our Situation is indeed very pleasant, and tho’ we want for nothing we have some Grumbletonians here also.
I wish You had wrote to me by the Ship that followed us. She is just now arrived having been 11 weeks in her Passage. We made our Passage in eight weeks and Weather good enough to have made it in five weeks had we not gone so far to the Southward, which we did for the Safety of us all. I defer writing to any one else at present hoping to hear from You. You must needs think I long to hear how Affairs stand and how You do in Health, and how my little Boy does, whether he grows and how he reads. And think likewise, That as my Heart is immoveably fixed on the well doing of Miss Sophia and my Dear Jacky. I long to hear from them and till then am betwixt Hope and Despair.
You may bring any furniture with You, and we may have two or more Apprentices; And the Trustees will send them to Us if our friends will procure them. But the Point will be Settled when Mr. Oglethorpe returns to England. I shall want Thread or Cotton Stockings, Some good Checqued Linnen of a dark blew and a strong Linnen for Waistcoats and Trowsers. Last Christmas Day was the hottest day I ever felt in my Life being then in the Latitude of 19 Degrees. We have very heavy Rains sometimes but tho’ it rains a whole Day and Night it makes no Dirt. We are much pestered with a little Fly they call a Sand Fly. I have seen it in England about the Horse Dung. But every Insect here is stronger than in England. The Ants are half an inch long and they say will bite desperately. As for Alligators I have seen several but they are by the Sides of Rivers, Our Town is too high Ground for them to Clamber up. We have killed one. I find the Camphire very good against the Stings of the Flies. I now begin to be something hardened against them. The Gentlemen of Charles Town have given us 50 head of Cattle. We had some Hogs but they are run wild and left us. Pray present my humble Service as You think proper. I don’t fear doing very well &c.
The Rev. Henry Herbert17 to Mr. Simond, March 27, 1733, Carolina, Egmont 14200, p. 57, concerning his health.
I am extremely obliged to You for the favour of sending me my Letters and should be fond of an opportunity of returning it in any way that would be agreeable to You. I have been ill for some time and am but just now recovering, so have Thoughts of embarking for England in May. Therefore what Letters You receive for me after this comes to hand I beg may be kept till You hear farther.
[P.S.] Our Friend was well when I heard from him a few days ago, & goes on to his Wishes; but I was obliged to come Northward near two months ago on Accot. of my Health.
Samuel Eveleigh18 to the Trustees, April 6, 1733, Charles Town, Egmont 14200, pp. 61-62, concerning Georgia’s possibilities and the need of slaves.
About three weekes since did my self the honour to go down and Visit Mr. Oglethorpe. What I here remarked I caused to be published in the Carolina Gazette and sent it to Mr. Samuel Baker Merct. in London and desired him to get it incerted in the London newspapers which suppose by this time you have had the sight of. There are several other things which the printer for want of room could not put in. I carried down with me a great bundle of Asparagus and as Soon as he reced it he ordered it to be given the women with Child without reserving any for himself. Theres about all foot at high water on the Bar which I look upon to be of advantage to a young Settlement for in case of war no Vessell of force can enter to disturbe them. While I was there Mr. Oglethorpe gave Captains Commissions to two of the Chief Indian Warriors together with some presents at which they Seemed well Satisfy’d and promised to do him what service they could. Excuse me Gentlemen if I take the Liberty to make one remark. Mr. Oglethorpe told me that by their Constitution they were to have no Negroes Amongst them which I think will be a great prejudice if not a means to Overset your Noble design. For there is a vast Quantity of extraordinary fine Land which plentifully stored with large trees which I can’t think can be felled by persons that are not used to Worke and they cant there live without Corn. Besides it will be very difficult for White people to hoe and tend theyr corn in the Hot wether. For I do assure you I think tis equally as hot as ever I felt it in Jamaica in the Sumer Months, which I compute to be from the Middle of May to the Middle of September. Mr. Oglethorpe once a week puts up a Turkey or Some other thing of Value to be Shot for by his men which has allready had good effect bringing them acquainted with armes which some of them before were Ignorant of. He Sent me Down a Small Cask of Skins which I have shiped on Board the Volant Edmund Smyler and consigned to my friend Mr. Samuel Baker with some of my own who will enter them and deliver them to you which will save you some trouble and Charge. When I was at Georgia I acquainted Mr. Oglethorpe that there was on the Island and on the Main next the Sea such vast quantities of live Oake trees as is not to be seen in any part of the World besides. Sufficient to Build more Ships then the British Navy consists of, which for its durableness and Crookedness of Growth suitable for all difficult Timbers is preferrable to English or any other Oake whatsoever, as one Mr. Barry who was Bred in his Majesties Yard if alive can inform you. He Married Bella Ash the Daughter of John Ash Esqr. formerly of this province. She’s a Relation as I have been informed of the Lord Townsend’s and St. Paul Methwen. I wrote you this that you may know how to find her. I design in three weekes time to Get Some Carpenters to cut Several pieces of these Teimbers and Send you Some for a Tryal. Since I wrote the above I am informed the said was living within these three Years and was Forman of of his Majesties Yard of Deptford.
James Oglethorpe to the Trustees, May 14, 1733, Charles Town, Egmont 14200, pp. 65-66, concerning finances, conditions in Georgia, and the desire of Carolinians to have a monopoly of Georgia’s Indian trade.
I have but just time to let you know that we are at peace with all the Indian Nations that there is great hopes of one towns being Converted to the Christian Religion since they allready desire to be instructed in our Faith and their Chief man is with me. We have reced the stores and men that came with Vanderplank as I advised you in my last.19 The James I left at Port Royal from whence she is to proceed up to the new town upon the Savannah River.20 I have taken all the Masters Cargo and have agreed to give him One Hundred pounds Sterling to deliver it in his Ship at our Town for which I have drawn upon you. I thought the getting a Ship up to the Town well worth the expence. I have also drawn upon Mr. Symonds for one Hundred Ninety and Eight pounds of which fifty is upon my Account. As these two Sums seem more perhaps that at this time you will have Cash to except I have desired Mr. Symonds to accept of any Bills that you shall not think fitt to pay and to pay them upon my account. I have ordered him money for that purpose. Doctor [William] Cox is dead. [Samuel] Parker is ill of a Consumtion which he had contracted before he left England. All the rest of our people are in perfect health, we having not lost one Soul but Dr. Cox since our landing. I have been in this town twelve days and have obtained from the Assembly Two Thousand pounds Currency Money for the assisting of our people this Year. The Committe for Supply have voted 12000 pounds Currency for Supplying the Colony next Year and the Resolution will be reported after the Hollydays so I return till then to Georgia. Some Merchants have proposed to hire the Liberty of trading with the Indians in our province. That liberty I believe is well worth 2000 £ Sterling a Year. They Seem to think that one Thousand pound Sterling a Year is much as it is worth. I shall do nothing in it but continue the Trade upon the footing it is now and will carry over all the proposals with me for yor determination. I have brought all our people to desire the prohibition of Negroes and Rum which goes much against the Grain of the traders in these Comodityes in this town. But if either of them are allowed our whole design will be ruined. The Inhabitants of this Town have allread Subscribed 1000 £ currency of which they have paid me 500 £ to bye Cattle. Ther will be great contributions all over the province. I found and seized an Irish Roman Chatholick who was the man mentioned by Herbin. Our Indians Stopt and the Scout boat took two others of the same nation and Religion who were sent by him with Intelligence from our Town to St. Augustine. I retained their principal till the others were taken. In the meantime fortifyed our town then shewed them our workes, our Cannon, and our Men under arms who being Strengthned by several Carolina people were pretty numerous. I then sent them to Charles Town and told them they might give an Account to the Governour of Augustine of what they then Saw.
[P. S.] I desire you would not apply for any men of war on our Station for they rather hurt than do Service wherever they come. I sent you a cask of Seeds which was a presant from the Indians, some Bear Oyle, and some druggs as the first fruits of this Country.
Samuel Eveleigh to the Trustees, May 18, 1733, Charles Town, Egmont 14200, p. 69, concerning plants and trees for and in Georgia.
All the men of war Stationed here are now a Cruising so that I am not able to Get any Carpenter to Cut the Timber as mentioned before by order of Mr. Oglethorpe. You have inclosed two of the Carolina Gazetts, and have Shiped on Board the William Gaily Capt. Francis Baker one Smal Cask of Druggs and three Quart Bottles of Bears Oyle which will be delivered to you by my friend Mr. Sam Baker. Mr. Paul Amythis took a Small House and Garden in this Town in which he has planted a quantity of Virginia white Mulberry Trees nigh 3000 of which grows very well. There’s about five Hundred orange Trees planted most of which grows, and four Hundred and fifty of the Vines you send are in a flourishing condition. Besides a quantity of peach and other Fruit Trees all for the use of Georgia where they are to Be transplanted in due season. Some time since I carried Mr. Amythis over the River to my Brothers plantation where Grew some white Mulberrys and he doubts not of getting three Thousand Mulberry Cuttings from them. Hes now very Busie feeding his Wormes some of which have worked themselves into Balls and he proposes a second Cropt and is in expectation of getting a quantity of Silk Not far from Savannah. There is a large quantity of Choice Cedar and very nigh it Quantities of Red Barr which will be very usefull for Joyners and Cabinet makers. Mr. Oglethorpe has made a tour ten miles back as far as black River now by him called Vernon in which Rivers as I am Informed by a Credible person are great Quantities of live Oake and other valuable Timber. He has got twenty odd p. of Sawyers and his Building goes on Briskly. I hope in a few Years will be a very flourishing Colony.
[P.S.] The Tea Seed is sown in Mr. Amythis’s Garden and hope twill grow.
James Oglethorpe to the Trustees, June 9, 1733, Charles Town, Egmont 14200, pp. 81-83, giving a report on conditions in Georgia.
When I left your new town of Savannah there were then nine framed Houses finished the sides covered with feather edged Board and the tops with shingles. Besides the Smith forge and two other clapboard Houses the Fram’d Houses are 24 foot in length upon 16 foot in Breath. They have one Story eight foot high with Garrets over them. They are raised upon Loggs two foot above the Ground and are floored with Inch and half plank. There was upon the place when I left it One Hundred and 60 heads of whome Seventy bare Arms. There were two blockhouses Musket shell proof and very defensible with four port holes for Cannon and one piece of Cannon ready to be put into each. There was a Battery of Six pieces of Cannon upon the Water side and a Guard house of 36 foot long upon 24 foot wide the sides covered with thick Slat and the top with bark. There was also a larg Stout Crane, four ground Saw pitts supported all round with Timber, and one Hundred and forty yards on the East side of the Town was fortified with pallicadoes Seventeen foot long. The Trees all round the Town within on Hundred Yards thereof was cleared. Before I came away there were fifty head of Cattle the Gift of Jno. Whitaker and his friend and fifty head more the Gift of Mr. Odingsell and the people of Distow landed. Several of them being wild run away into the Woods, the remainder were decided by lot amongts the people. Every family in which there was a woman had a Milch Cow and every single man a Heifer or Steer. I have left with them also 4 Horses and two Canoes which I left with them on account of the Trust.
With respect to the Indian affairs, I had also two Company of Tomo-chi-chis men and gave at their desier a Commission to Tuskenca Istinnocecheby the name of the Captain of the first Militia Company of the Indian allies. And at their desire also appointed Skee captain of the Second Militia Company of the Indian allies. The two Companies consisted of Forty very Clever Men. Their pay is one Bushell of corn pr. month for each man while we employ them in War or hunting, a Gun at their first listing and a Blanket p Ann. We have concluded a peace with the lower Creeks who were the most Dangerous Enemy’s to South Carolina and formerly friend to the French and Spaniards. The maner in which I gained them to our Interest is to long now to relate. You will receive a pretty faithfull account of their conferrence with us in the Inclos’d Gazette. Inclosed is also a coppy of ther Treaty concluded with them21 which if you approve of you will order to be engross’d and Sent over with your Seal. The progress we have made and the Measures we have taken are so universally approved of that private people have not only contributed largely in money labour of Slaves and Cattle but the Assembly have passed an Act the Coppy which I have ordered to be sent to you for granting unto us 8000 lb. I have bought a Sloop with all her Rigging good and Cable Anchors Sails Boat &c for 50 £ Sterling. She cost her owner 200 £ Sterling. She mounts 6 Swivel Guns and is prime Sailor. A Great deal will be saved by her in carrying things from this Town. She will be usefull in fighting, going up the River, and piloting in of Shipping if occation shall happen. The Assembly arose this day and I Shall set out tomorrow for Savannah.
The Land in Georgia becoming to Grow valuable by reason of our Settlement several have applied to me for grants. And those who have served the Collony and are willing to take them upon the Trustees terms I have promised to recommend to you for 500 Acres of Land. First Mr. Walter Augustine who has been long in this Country and behaved well in the Indian War. He with four men is already settled upon a Lott Six miles distante the Town up the River. He has built a house and Cleared Seven Acres of Land which he has planted with Indian Corn, a little Barly, and other European Grain which comes up finely. For the next lot above him I promised to recommend Lieutenant Watts. For the next above Mr. Fennygall and for the next lot behind them Mr. Reves, all of them being Officers of his Majesties Independant company. I have promised to recommend Mr. Bryan, a very brave young man who himself with four of his Negroes worked for us greitis some Months. I also promised to recommend Ensign Farrington and Capt. Thomas for Lotts upon the Sea Coast. Besides these as I said before upon finding the land grew valuable others applyed to me for large tracts of Land from 3000 to 12000 Acres each in order to menopolize the Country and Offered to give me considerable presents for to bring the Trustees into making these grants and to continue at their putting Negroes upon them. I treated as you may think with contempt and had it not been necessary to carry things with great temper here I should kicked the proposers into the Bargain. Upon this I have had intillegence that these same people are trumping up forfieted Titles and old pretentions to the lands in Georgia. I give you notice of this that you may be prepared if any applycations are made. I should advise also that you would get Lord Carteret to sign the conveyance of which the Attorney General perused the Draught and not mention one word of any claim till it is done.22 You may Judg of the value of Your lands here by the price of those on Trenchs Island which lyes at the Mouth of the Savannah River on the Carolina side. They were sold at 5 S an Acre Carolina money when I first landed here and about 10 days ago a large parcel of the same land was sold at 40 S an Acre. I would also desire you not to Surprized into anything relating to the Indian Trade. For if that matter is ill managed it may draw on a War but if it is well managed it will bring in 2000 £ Sterling a Year and secure the Indians in our Interest.
As soon as I have divided the Lands, held the Court of Records, and put every thing in order which I hope to do in less than a Month I shall leave Georgia and set out for England.
William Brownjohn and Thomas Gapen to the Trustees, June 18, 1733, the Downes in the English Channel, Egmont, 14200, pp. 89-90, concerning conditions on a vessel going to Georgia.23
Right Honble. and Honble. Gentlemen
This morning we came to Anchor in the Downs in 6 fathom water the Wind blowing very fresh at S. West; we are all in good Health free from Distempers. The Women were sick by the motion of the Ship but having Served them with Sage and Sugar they are now much better. Mr. Sacheverel is not come on board. John Barnes, Samuel Dudly, and Lewis Bowen came on board at Gravesend. Robert Hainks was Seized with a violent fit of the Apoplex and fell down the Ladder but by speedy Application & Mr. [Samuel] Pensyre’s Assistance by bleeding him he is Recovered. We this day washed the Ship and afterwards read Prayers in very good Order; we then broach’d the Barrel of strong Beer that Your Honours were pleased to send us. Every Mess being Served in Proportion we drank the Healths of their Royal Majestys and His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales and all the Royal family, then the Healths of all our Honble. Benefactors and well Wishers to our Undertaking and the Healths of all the Honble. Trustees to whom we are all in general so much obliged and return our most hearty Thanks, and the Health of the Honble. James Oglethorpe Esqr. wishing a happy Sight of him. We are all in general pleased with the Capt. and he is very carefull and tender of us. The Provision gives an universal Content. We shall endeavour to write to your Honours by every opportunity of our Welfare. Our utmost Endeavours shall be to obey your Honrs. Directions.
P. S. I am at a great Loss for the Paper and Pens Your Honours were please to promise me.
Governor Robert Johnson to Benjamin Martyn, July 28, 1733, Charles Town, Egmont 14200, p. 93, concerning South Carolina aid to Georgia and Oglethorpe’s work in Georgia.
I am favour’d with yours of the 24th of Jany. last. I should have answered it sooner but that I was willing to endeavour the doing some Service to the Design of Georgia before I wrote. I have employed my best Interest with the Assembly & people of this Province, to promote their contributing to the Support of the Undertaking; and it is with Pleasure I can acquaint You, that by Mr. Oglethorpe’s Address and lively Representation of the Necessity of it, the General Assembly of this Province have exerted themselves almost beyond their Abilitys in assisting that Colony. What they have done will amount to about £ 2000 Sterl. without which Support I don’t find they would have been able to Subsist. But I leave it to Mr. Oglethorpe to give the Trustees an Accot. of these Affairs; he is indefatigable in his Endeavours, and without his Industry, Prudence and Resolution I apprehend the Spirits of the People unused to such Hardships and fatiques, as must necessarily attend new Settlements, must have sunk under them. But his good Example enables them to Surmount all Difficultys, and I hope the Undertaking will Succeed if His Absence don’t discourage & dispirit them. He is shortly expected in Charles Town in order to take the first opportunity of embarking for England. Nothing shall be wanting in me to render the Trustees all the Service in my Power to whom I beg You will make my most humble Respects agreable.
Extract of a letter from Governor Robert Johnson, July 28, 1733, Charles Town, Egmont 14200, p. 97, concerning help for Georgia.
The General Assembly have contributed to the Georgians about £ 2000 Sterling, which I hope will prove very agreable to the Honble. the Trustees, and will induce them to believe that the Assembly are desirous of giving them all the Assistance they are able. Besides this I should add that there are several private Subscriptions. I employed my best Interest with my Friends on this occasion, and I may without Vanity say that it had some weight.
Mr. Oglethorpe talks of returning shortly to England. As he has been indefatigable in Settling the People, so I fear he’ll be much wanted. Some Hardships must be undergone and I am fearfull lest the People should grow disorderly and incline to desert into our Settlements which I shall be [do] all I can to prevent. If Provision is not made for them by this Province for another year, I am almost sure they must desert us for they came too late to plant any Corn this year.
We cannot fathom the Design of sending forty Jews to Georgia. They will never I believe make Planters, and if not Supported by their Friends in England must Starve, for I am told they are not Subsisted by the Trustees.
James Oglethorpe to the Trustees, Aug. 12, 1733, Savannah, Egmont 14200, pp. 105-110, concerning sickness and death, widows and orphans, defense, and new arrivals in Georgia.
I have not been able to write at length since I left Charles Town. When I returned hither from thence I found the People were grown very mutinous and impatient of Labour and Discipline. This Petulancy was owing chiefly to several of them having got into drinking of Rum, and to Some more artfull, who had a mind to buy the little things they had for Liquor; And in order to bring that about, Stirred them up to desire that they might have all their Provisions delivered into their own hands, and then to have bought that Provision from them. Some of the Silly People desired their Provisions that they might be able to gratify their Palates by Selling a large Quantity of wholesome food for a little Rum Punch.
I found that Gray24 who pretended to understand the Silk, had been one of the busiest in preaching up Mutiny, and whilst I was at Charles Town had in a bare faced manner insulted all Order and threatned the Chief People here. For which Mr. Scott a Justice of the Peace for this place whom he insulted in the Execution of his Office, ordered him to be Set in the Stocks. He complained to me when I came back again and told me that (amongst our People) he had a great many friends, and a great many Enemies who had Sworn his Destruction, and would have had me have brought them face to face to have sworn against each other, & told me that if I would not give him Satisfaction he desired Leave to go out of the Colony. I told him I would give him Leave provided he went away within twelve hours; which he accordingly did. There were two boys (for whose Passage the Trustees has paid) came in the same Ship with him, These he ask’d to take with him pretending they were his Servants. I told him that if he would pay the Passage for them and would give Security that he would not sell them he should have Leave for them also to go with him; he said he could not pay for them but would pay at Charles Town. Upon which I wrote to Mr. Chardon That if he did pay the Money to him and give him such Security he might then have Leave to take the Boys. He never paid the money, but at Charles Town raised several Lyes against this Colony and the People of it. Mr. Chardon for this ordered him to be prosecuted, on which he went out of the way.
By Degrees I brought the People to Discipline, but could not revive the Spirit of Labour, Idleness and Drunkenness were Succeeded by Sickness. To remedy the first I sent away the Negroes who Sawed for us, for so long as they continued here our men were encouraged in Idleness by their working for them. To remedy Drunkenness I gave a moderate Allowance of Wine, prohibited Rum and Staved such as I could find in the Town. But found that the Indian Trading house about ½ a mile from us, in spite of all my Prohibitions, sold Rum to our People. I did not care to disoblige them because they are the only Interpreters we have to the Indians. However at present I must either Suppress them or our People must be destroyed, we having lost twenty People within a month since the Drinking of Rum was come into fashion; whereas we lost but one Person in five months whilst I was here and kept the People from excessive Drinking.
Thomas Millidge our best Carpenter is dead of a burning Feaver which on his Deathbed he confessed he contracted at the Indian Trading House; he drank there Rum Punch on the Wednesday, on Thursday was taken ill of a burning Feaver and on the seventh day, the Crisis of that Distemper, dyed. Poor Overend who was recommended by Mr. Laroche is also dead with Rum; to which most of the rest owe their Deaths. But the Illness being once frequent became contageous. It appeared chiefly in burning Feavers or else in bloody Fluxes attended by Convulsions and other terrible Symptoms. Dr. Cox being dead [Noble] Jones look’d after the Sick. The Indian Root Diascordium, Rhubarb, Laudinum and all other Applications usually used on that Occasion were of no Effect. Almost every one that was taken ill at first dyed. Jones himself fell sick and some of the Women (most handy about the Sick) dyed; So that we had neither Doctor, Surgeon nor Nurse, and about the 15th of July we had above 60 People sick, many of whose Lives we despaired of. At which time Capt. Hanton arrived here with some Jews and amongst them a Doctor of Physick [Dr. Samuel Nunis] who immediately undertook our People and refused to take any Pay for it. He proceeded by cold Baths, cooling Drinks and other cooling Applications. Since which the Sick have wonderfully recovered, and we have not lost one who would follow his Prescriptions. Next to the Blessing of God and this new Regimen I believe one of the greatest Occasions of the People’s Recovery has been, That by my constant watching of them I have restrained the Drinking of Rum.
I have been so taken up, what with tending the Sick, what with Viewing the Country, marking our Lands, getting Provisions and Treating with the Indians that I have not had time to write. I intended to have left this place long ago but the general Sickness of the People made me think, That if I abandoned them in that Condition it would throw them into Despair and make the Distemper fatal. So that I thought it was better to neglect my own Affairs and take my chance of Standing the Sickness here, than by quitting the People at such a time expose them almost to certain Death.
There are several People passed by here for Purysburgh to whom I gave what Assistance I could. [Joseph] Hetherington, [Philip] Bishop, [Henry] Fletcher, [John] Pennyfather and Mr. [Samuel] Quincy the Minister are arrived with their Servants; I have been forced to lend them Provisions out of the Store, otherwise they must have Suffered for want.
I have agreed with Mr. [James] Macpherson Captain of the Rangers to build a Fort upon Hogatchee [Ogeechee] River, wch. I have named Argyll. It is already begun and in good forwardness and I have Supplied him from hence with Provision Cannon and Ammunition.
Hetherington and Bishop with their Servants have undertook to build a Fort upon a Creek called Thunderbolt, upon which they are to begin to work on Tuesday next.
And Ferguson Captain of the Carolina Scout Boat has undertaken to do the same at Skidoway Island. The two latter in Consideration of Lands and the former of two hundred pounds Curcy. So that by this means all the Passages to this Town both by Land & Water are covered. And by the Map which I shall soon Send You will see That by these forts, If we can Set up another at Tybee, no small Bodys either of Spaniards or Indians can approach this place at all, nor any large one without a timely Discovery.
On the 7th of July I held the first Court and administred the Oaths of Allegiance Supremacy and Abjuration named the several Wards and Streets & put each family into Possession of an House Lot, on twenty one of which framed Houses are built; The other nineteen the Carpenters undertook to build for themselves. But alas! five of them dyed within one week. The Lots of those who have no Children are put into the hands of other working men who are capable to assist in building the remaining Houses. One is a Soldier belonging to the Independent Company for whom I shall procure a Discharge; He is a sober hard working man. The other is Tibbitt who was sent by Capt. Coram. We proceed first on the houses of those who have Widows or Children here (that is to say).
Millidge, who has left a Widow and five Children here, the eldest but eleven years old, and the Widow just ready to lye in of another.
[James] Goddard who with his Wife are both dead, has left two Children, the eldest [ten] years old, who I have put Apprentice to Fitzwalter the Gardiner. The youngest five years old whom I have put to Nurse to James Carwall and his Wife, to whom I give three pounds a year, whilst we allow Subsistance, and then five pounds a years.
[William] Little has left a Wife and one Child.
Michael Jermain and John Mackay dyed without Wife or Children here.
I send You inclosed the Proceedings of the Court on Overends Death, together with two Boxes containing his things. I believe his Lands and House here, which is built, is worth £ 30 Sterling, or upwards, money having been offered for it but I would not dispose of it till I heard her25 intentions. In the mean while tis let after the rate of £ 10 p Ann. The £ 2.4.4 being the Balance should be paid by You, for the Persons that are the Buyers will pay into the Store here what they are Charged with. I hope in about a month from this time I shall set out for England when I shall be able to give You a more full Accot.
Records of the court, July 28, 1733, Savannah, Egmont 14200, pp. 101-103, concerning the death and property of Joshua Overend.
At a Court held on the 28th of July Anno Dom 1733 for the Township of Savannah in the Colony of Georgia.
|Absent||Peter Gordon||1. Bailiff|
|Wm. Waterland||2. Bailiff|
|Present||Tho. Causton||3. Bailiff|
It was presented by Joseph Fitzwalter Constable for Darby Ward in the Town of Savannah That Joshua Overend late one of the Inhabitants of the said Ward departed this Life on the 28th of June last past. Therefore humbly prays the Direction of this Court in the Premisses.
At which Court a Jury was immediately impannel’d and Sworn being all Freeholders of the said Township. vis.
Upon a full hearing of all the Witnesses upon Oath that could be found touching the Premisses. The said Jury upon their Oaths Do find.
That the said Joshua Overend dyed on the 28th day of June last past and was legally Intituled unto one built Dwelling House with a Garden thereto belonging Situate within Darby Ward in the said Township of Savannah. As also to one parcel of Land containing 5 Acres, and one other Parcel of Land containing 45 Acres making in the whole 50 Acres not yet cleared or any ways cultivated.
And that he has a Wife named Mary Overend being in England.
And do not find that he hath any Children.
That the said Dwelling House and Garden together with one moiety of the said 50 Acres of Land Do legally descend to Mary Overend Relict of the said Joshua Overend for and during the Term of her natural Life and no longer.
That the other moiety of the said Land doth immediately descend to the next Heir Male of the said Joshua Overend together with the said other moiety and Dwelling House and Garden after the Decease of the said Mary Overend according to the Tenure of the said Township.
That the several goods and things mentioned in the Inventory to be contained in a Chest No. 1 and a Box No. 2 together with the Cow and Calf & Steer therein mentioned are all the Effects of the said Joshua Overend.
Copy of the Inventory
A Razor, Wash Ball, a Dozen & half brass mettle Buttons, a worsted Damask Night Gown, a pr. of black Stockings, 7 Stocks and a Woman’s Handkerchief, a white Cloth Coat, a black Velvet Cap, a Linnen Cap, a Handkerchief, a Daybook, a Bible, a Common Prayer book, the whole Duty of Man, 3 Paper Books of Accots., a printed Interest book, a black coat, one light Tye Wig, one Bob Do, a Scarlet great Coat, a Cloath’s Brush, a small red Pocket book, a pr. of Scisors & old Gloves, a black Waistecoat and Breeches, one Sailor’s Jacket, 2 Linnen Bags, a red Rug Coat, a Clasp Knife, a Woollen Cap, a pr. old Slippers, a Linnen Handkf., a pr. of ordinary Sheets of different Sorts, a pr. of grey Stockings, a pr. of Woollen Breeches, a Pillow without Pillowbear, one old Speckled Shirt, 5 Ruffled Shirts, two pr. Silver Buckles put up in a Leather Bag in the Chest. A Steer sold to the Stores for 20 Shillings and a Cow and Calf.
That the said Cow and Calf being lyable to hazard ought to be sold.
That the said Joshua Overend is indebted to diverse Persons as hereinmentioned amounting in the whole to the Sum of £ 1.17.8 which they advise to be paid out of the money arising from the Sale of the said Cow, Calf and Steer.
It is therefore ordered by this Court That the Cow and Calf of the said late Joshua Overend be forthwith sold for the most money that can be got, and that the amount thereof be applied to the discharging of the said Sum of £ 1.17. 8 due to the several Persons herein mentioned. And that the Overplus together with the several Goods & things contained in No. 1 & 2 be by the first opportunity transmitted to England by Mr. Tho. Christie to the said Mary Overend Relict of the said Joshua Overend together with all the Proceedings touching the Premisses and an exact Accot. Dr. & Cr. of all monys rec’d by virtue of the said Cow and Calf & Steer.
Mr. Cochrane to Philip Millar at Chelsea, Sept. 11, 1733, Kingston in Jamaica, Egmont 14200, pp. 109-110, concerning the death of William Houstoun.
Understanding You to be a Gentleman with whom Mr. Wm. Houstoun kept a strict Correspondence and for whom You used to transact some Affairs, I thought proper to acquaint You that after a long and severe Illness he dyed here the 14th of last month, much and very deservedly regretted by all who knew him, and if he had lived a few years longer he would have proved an Honour to his Country. He left some Manuscripts of Botany which may be of Service to the Curious in that way, and as I find he was sent out by some Gentlemen on Purpose to make Discoveries. I think fit that all the Observations which he has committed to writing ought to be sent to those Gentlemen with a few Collections he has made of dryed Plants, all which are now in my Possession and am resolved to transmit them to You after I have heard from his Cousin at Carthagena who is the only Relation he has in these parts, and ‘tis fit he should be first consulted before I dispose of any of his Effects. I expect Advices from him about a month hence by the Return of a Vessel which this morning Sailed from this place to Carthagena, and then shall write You further. In the mean time I must desire You to acquaint my Lord Petre of his Death and that I have found a Mem. of his Lordships to him for some things to be sent from this Country, which I shall take particular Care and transmit his Lordship as soon as possible. Some of the things such as Trees growing cannot be sent till the Spring, but others shall be sent by the next opportunity wch. will be about three weeks hence, when I shall do myself the Honour to write to his Lordship, for whom I have a very great Esteem for the kindness I find he has shewn to my worthy deceased friend, for whose memory none can have a greater regard.
James Oglethorpe to the Trustees, Sept. 17, 1733, Savannah, Egmont 14200, pp. 113-115, concerning conditions in Georgia, defense, and deaths.
I rec’d. the agreable News, of the Approbation Your Designs have met with from Parliament, by the Georgia Pink Capt. Daubus Commander. The People on board him are all arrived safe, Daniel Preston excepted who was washed overboard in a Storm. His Widow [Mary] the Day after She landed was taken picking of the Pockets of a Drunken man of Eight shillings Sterling. The Man was put into the Stocks for being drunk, and a Bill was found by the Grand Jury against her for Felony. Upon her being examined before a Justice of Peace her Defence was that She was drunk and did not know that She took the Money, nor did intend to keep it. Upon Petition and proving that She was with Child, the Tryal before the Petty Jury was put off till her Delivery and in the mean while She was admitted to Bail.
We have taken a Man that had Stole an Horse in Virginia; he was tried before the Court, pleaded guilty was condemned and sentenced to hard Labour during the Space of three Years at Argyll Fort on Ogeeche River, was delivered to Capt. Mackpherson and sent away instantly. The Horse is ordered to be sent to the Owner in Virginia.
In a former I gave You an Accot. of my having agreed with Capt. Mackpherson for him to build Fort Argyll for £ 200 Currency. The Trees that fell into the River and were carried down by great Floods stop’d the Passage below the Fort in such a manner, as to prevent any possibility of getting up there by Water without immence Labour in cutting away the Trees. The Fort being about half finished when he represented this, I ordered him to begin another 10 miles lower and allowed him £ 50 Currency for the Work already done. He has finished the New Fort, the Guns are mounted, the Houses built and six Familys Settled there besides the Garrison. Boats of fifteen Ton burthen have been there. I have Settled Mr. Bishop, Hetherington &c on a Point called Thunderbolt, which commands the Channel that comes up from St. Augustine to this Place; they have some Guns there and a Fort in pretty good forwardness. I have ordered 10 men to be settled upon the Island of Tybee which commands the other Passage from Augustine, and when that is fortified I take this place will be pretty safe. A Beacon upon Tybee for to direct Ships on their making Land is very necessary, I have therefore thought that You would not be displeased at my ordering one to be begun which I hope will be finished at an Expence which will be but small, if compared to the great Usefullness of it.
Many of the new Comers, in spite of all I can do, drink very hard; so that I fear a Mortaility will soon happen amongst them. Our People’s being unhealthy forced me to Stay here lest it might seem that I left them in distress and for fear of Sharing the Sickness; which some People construed the Consequence of the Climate into which I had brought them. The Place being now grown healthy, the Authority of the Court being well established, I shall so soon as the Fort at Tybee is begun, leave this place which I am in hopes will be in a few days. As it is probable that I shall See You near as soon as this arrives I shall not enlarge but only mention, that I have been obliged to give pay to several of the People to engage them to work upon the Magazine and other Publick Buildings.
[P.S.] I send You inclosed a Bill of Parcels of Goods for which I had occasion and received from the Captain over and above what I received from You. Besides the Powder mentioned in the Invoyce, he delivered to me four hundred weight, which he said came from You.
I have received no Bill of Lading with the Ship which puts us very much in the dark. Robert More one of the new Comers, has left behind him Tools &c; to the value of £ 10. in pawn for a Guinea, which if You will pay to Wm. Andrews and forward the Tools &c. by him delivered, More will repay it in Work, being a very handy Man. I send You inclosed a List of those who have been born and died here; We have now four hundred People upon the Place. [John] Warren26 on his Death bed desiring his Wife might have her Passage to England I have accordingly sent her with her Children. Her House here is preserved for her eldest Son and likewise her Stock of Cattle. She was very desirous to stay but her Health being bad and thinking She can only Recover in England She insisted upon my giving Leave to go back. She is an object of Compassion and believes that with some little assistance and countenance from You She can do very well in London. She has lost her Husband and two Children and had all her Goods burnt when the Guard House was fired. I find on further Enquiry that the four hundred weight of Gunpowder was put on board by Mr. Simond. I have taken it we having occasion for it. You will know whether it was put on board by You or him.
I have allowed Capt. Daubuz a Reward as being the first Ship that came from Europe directly. As I have before informed You I have bought all other things as were necessary for the People at Charles Town. I have also taken some necessarys from Daubuz and other Ships that have come in here, and drawn upon You for the Amount. The Particulars of which I shall bring over with me.
James Oglethorpe to the Trustees, Sept. 27, 1733, Savannah, Egmont 14200, pp. 117-119, concerning land grants to Scots gentlemen.
I recommend to You the following Persons for Grants of Land herein Specified and desire the Grants may pass your Seal with the utmost Expedition. That is to say Five hundred Acres of Land to Patrick Mackay Esqr. of Cyder Hall in the County of Sutherland to him and to the Heirs Male of his Body and in case of failure to the Heirs Male of the Body of Catherine Mackay Daughter of the said Patrick Mackay Esqr. And Five hundred Acres to James Bullock of Will Town in South Carolina and to the Heirs Male of his Body and in case of failure to the Heirs Male of the Body of Jean Bullock Daur. of the said James Bullock. And Five hundred Acres to George Dunbar of the County of Inverness and to the Heirs Male of his Body and in case of failure to Wm. Dunbar Brother to the said George Dunbar. And also Five hundred Acres to a Person to be recommended by them or the majority of them and to the Heirs Male of his Body. To be bounded as expressed in a Plan herein inclosed. The same to be held as Gentlemen’s Tenour with Power to erect a Town.
1st. They are to pay Ten shillings of lawful money of Great Britain for every hundred Acres to commence Ten Years after the Date To be paid within six months after the Day of Payment.
2d. To settle a Town within the Space of one year after the Date of the Grant consisting of forty men either free, Tenants or Servants.
3d. That a Number not less than forty shall continue within the said Province during the Term of Three Years from the Registering of the Grant and in five Years build forty Houses.
4th. That each of them shall clear and cultivate Twenty Acres for each Hundred within the Space of Ten Years and plant upon the same Two hundred white Mulberry Trees and maintain them and One hundred upon every other Ten Acres.
5th. That they shall not alienate any part of the said Five hundred Acres without License.
6th. That they shall not enter into a company to Manufacture Pot Ash, but each seperately may Manufacture the same.
7th. That they shall not lodge, board or employ any Black or Negroe within the said Province of Georgia.
8th. If the Persons mentioned in the Grant shall dye without Issue Male or they or their Successors shall be guilty of Treason or Felony then the said Lands shall revert to the Trust as if the Grant had never been.
9th. As they will be at great Charges in establishing the said Town and that these Persons are joined in a Partnership for that purpose and the Design will suffer of any of them should decease and their Successors refuse to carry on the Partnership They desire that their Heirs on Refusal of carrying on the same shall be obliged to sell and that the Trust will renew a Grant to the Purchaser in as ample manner as the first Grantee enjoyed. And that on decease of any of them the Widow may be intitled to the Mansion House and one equal half of the Land with its Improvements for her Life or of the Purchase Money in case of Sale.
For the Encouragement of People to come over with them I desire there may be a Grant of Five hundred Acres in Trust as to Christie That they may be transferred as Five Acres p Family to such Persons as they shall think proper.
I further desire they may have a Court of Record to consist of a Provost and three Bailiffs. The first Provost to be Patrick Mackay Esqr. and James Bullock and George Dunbar to be first and second Bailiffs, and the third to be such Person as they shall recommend. The Provoship to be one year and to descend annually to the Bailiffs according to their Seniority. The Court to be final in all matters of one hundred pounds and under and in all Crimes where the Sentence extendeth not to Life or Limb.
James Oglethorpe, to the Trustees, Nov. 15, 1733, Savannah, Egmont 14200, p. 121, concerning expenses and his anticipated trip to England.
I am now making up of all the Accots. in some parts of which I find a great deal of Perplexity, Mr. Hughs27 being dead and I not being able to find out one of the Books which I left in his Custody. I have since 5th of October drawn upon You for the inclosed Sums. The Expences have been very largely increased by the raising the Prices of Provisions in Carolina occasioned partly by our Demand and partly by the failure of this Year’s Crop. Besides I was obliged for encouraging of the People to pay them for building the Storehouse &c. as also (several of our People being disabled by Sickness) to take in People of this Country for opening of Communications, sending Messages by Land and Water, giving Gratifications for fetching Intelligence from amongst the Spaniards, giving Rewards for taking of Thieves and Runaways. I shall be obliged to draw for farther Sums to pay the Negroes who were employed upon my first coming here for Sawing. The Maintenance of the Garden as a Nursery for Mulberry, Orange Trees, Vines &c at Charles Town has been also an Article of large Expence, but which I believe You will think very well bestowed, since a Sample of thorough fine Silk has been there made which shews what may be done in this Country. And we have gain’d one Year’s Growth upon the Mulberry and Orange Trees which is inestimable in a new Settlement. I think every thing here is now so well Settled that I can leave it without Danger of the Colony’s miscarrying. As I doubt not to See You soon & perhaps before this Letter I shall say no more.
James Oglethorpe to the Trustees, about Dec. 1733, Savannah, Egmont 14200, pp. 125-130, giving his yearend report of Georgia.
I cannot but congraulate You upon the great Success your Designs have met with being not only approved of by all America but so strongly supported by His Majesty and the Parliament of Great Britain. Providence it self seems visible in all things to prosper your Designs calculated for the Protection of the persecuted, the relief of the poor and the Benefit of mankind.
A Year being above expired since I set out from England I believe You will be impatient to have a short Account of which has been done towards the Settlement of this Colony which seems to have been conducted to its present successfull Situation by the manifest Interposition of God.
We landed here on the 1st of February last with but 40 Persons able to bear Arms; notwithstanding our Weakness the Spaniards did not attack us. The Indians were most surprizingly inclined towards friendship with Us. The People of Carolina assisted us with the Rangers and Scout Boat the Guards of that Province and sent up Cattle. Colonel Bull a man of extraordinary Abilities came up himself with a Number of his Negroe Servants, and not only instructed the People in the nature of the Seasons & the manner of Clearing, Building and Cultivating but laid out the Timber and made his Slaves work us. We were some time before we could get any other Assistance from Carolina, The People refusing to hire out their Negroes though we offered Security for them. But God was pleased to provide for us by preserving in health our labouring hands so that We advanced considerably in our Works so long as our People continued sober and obedient. When I was obliged to go to Charles Town to meet the Assembly who generously gave £ 8,000 Currency towards maintaing our People a second year, some of the People begun to be intemperate and then disobedient so that at my Return I hardly knew them. Their excessive Drinking was followed with Sickness which raged for some time most terribly amongst us but though Individuals suffered the Colony it self increased and flourished by your Supplying them continually with timely Succours from Europe and the accession of many People which the Reputation of this Undertaking drew from several parts of America to settle here insomuch That the Colony increased notwithstanding our Sickness. And we were very well supplyed with all necessarys for our Money from Charles Town, for we had also 20 pair of Sawyers from Carolina for hire and Colonel Bull and Mr. Brian28 came up again in the midst of the Sickness to assist us with 20 Slaves whose Labour they gave as a free Gift to the Colony. Finding our People increase fast I enlarged our Quarters by new Settlements and covered this place to the Southward by building Fort Argyle at about 20 miles distance. Mr. Bishop and his People were settled at Tunderbolt five miles to the South East and by that means guarded the most dangerous Water Passage from the Spaniards. About six miles farther to the Southward on another Water Passage is settled a Colony of 10 familes to keep open the Passage with Fort Argyle. Whilst by Land from that Fort we marked a Road about 40 miles in length to Pallackucola Garrison in Carolina, in marking of which we found a River at about 12 miles from this place to which we gave the Name of Abercorn. It rises near the Ogeeche and divides this part of the Province from the Western Country.
This River has great falls very convenient for Mills. At two miles distant from where it falls into the Savannah the Colony of Abercorn consisting of 10 families is settled. The Abercorn at its Conflux with the Savannah forms an Island about two miles in breadth, beyond which on Carolina Side stands Purysburgh. So that this County if You think fit to make it such is on the West secured by the River Abercorn on the North and North East it is bounded by the Savannah upon which there is this Town and four Out Settlements already made. On the East and South East it is bounded by Augustine Creek which is a branch of the Sea that divides it from Wilmington Island on which the Settlements of Thunderbolt and Skidowa lye & on the South it is divided from the rest of the main by the Ogeeche a River little inferiour to the Savannah which arises in the Apalatian Mountains. Within Land at 3 miles distant from the Town upon two Hills are situated Hempstead and Highgate two Villages of 10 familys each. Over against the Town lyes Huthinson’s Island one of the most delightfull Spots of Ground I ever saw, about 3 miles in length and one wide; a great part of it is natural Meadow the rest covered with tall Trees many of which are Bays above four score foot high. In that Island on the farther Side which commands the Northern Branch of this River opposite to the Town there is a House built and an Overseer lodged with four Servants belonging to You with Orders to cut a Walk through the Wood in a strait Line the breadth of this Town which will serve as a Meadow for feeding of Cattle and give a beautifull Prospect of the other River.
A Sloop loaded with Servants was forced in here through Stress of Weather and want of Victuals many of them were dead, 40 only remain’d as they were likewise ready to perish through Misery. I thought it an Act of Charity to buy them which I did giving £ 5 a head. I gave one of them to each of the Widows which will render them able to cultivate their Lands and maintain their families. I let each of the Magistrates have one at prime Cost that they might not be behind hand in their Gardens and Plantations by reason of their spending much of their time in the publick Service. Of the rest I have allotted Mr. Lafond five to help him in building a Saw Mill, Four to the Gardens and four to the Island. I have drawn £ 200 on You being the Payment for them.
We go on with building the Beacon at Tybee. The People who work upon it have two shillings p Diem and [William] Blythman the Master Workman has the same Wages as he could have in Carolina. The Timber is already cut and squared and the Upper & Lower Floor framed. They reckon it will be finished in March. It is an Octogone of 90 feet high, 25 feet wide at bottom and 12½ feet wide at Top, Weather Boarded 26 feet high and the rest open. It is all framed here of the best of Light Wood and to be carried down and set upon the Point of Tybee; The Foundation will be secured with Cedar Piles.
There are 50 Houses of framed Timber & covered with Shingles which are Tiles made of Wood and tarr’d over already built.
Three Wards and an half are taken up and the People to whom they belong are all at present at work either at building their Houses or clearing their Lands so that before the Year is round there must be 120 Houses built in the Town or their Lots forfeited.
The Bricks You sent were partly employed in building the Smith’s Forge, an Oven and a Well 20 feet deep which affords excellent Water, the rest in the Chimneys belonging to the Widows.
The Orphans are fed and cloathed from the Publick Stores and the Care of them is intrusted to three of our best Persons appointed for that Purpose.
The Militia is exercised and commanded by Tything men and Constables. The Civil Government is in the Court appointed by the Grant under your Seal and property as regularly recovered and Criminals punished as in any Court in Europe. Every man pleads his own Cause. The fact is tryed by the Jury and Sentence pronounced by the Court.
We feed 259 Souls in Town, in Hampstead and Highgate in the four Colonys 184 besides Indians and Strangers.
The Supplying such a Number of People besides Forts, publick Buildings, Boat hire, Sloops Wages, Indian Presents, Intelligence from amongst the Spaniards and several other necessary Expences make Charges amount high which has forced me to draw very largely upon You. I have not been able to settle the exact Expence of each Person; some People having occasion for more or deserving better than others. The Death of Mr. Hughes who kept the Cash Book which we have not yet been able to find amongst his Papers puts us under great Difficulties in settling the Accompts. I have drawn two Bills of £ 150 each payable to Mr. [Isaac] Chardon for Goods had of him. I lent to most of our People Money to enable them to set up in their different Callings. If you approve of it they may be charged to the Publick, but if not I will take it on my own Account the Sums being small and the People able to repay them.
The Creek Indians adhere firmly to Us, and those of them who guard the Southern Passages have informed me That a Spanish open Boat full of armed Men attempted to come through the narrow Passages between the Islands about 40 miles to the Southward of us. They would have spoke to them but the Spaniards refusing and fireing upon them They by their Ambushes secured the narrow Passages so well that the Spaniards was forced to put out to Sea. They say farther they believe the Spaniards have begun to Settle on this Side the Alatamaha and that the Boat which fired upon them belonged to that new Settlement. I cannot believe the Spaniards would venture it but at the same time will not be too secure, so set out to morrow for the Alatamaha to see the Truth of it and have sent to the Governor of Carolina to give him notice of what I have heard.
I have staid till now expecting the Saltzburghers but hope You will excuse me staying any longer, if they do not come within seven days after my return from the Alatamaha. I shall then set out for England where I hope soon to have the pleasure of seeing You.
[P.S.] I have also drawn on You £ 288 for Goods delivered by Captain Yoakley being Blankets, planes &c. necessary for the Settlers & Indian Presents.
I must recommend to You Mr. [Hector] Beaufin for a Grant of a Gentlemens Lot. Mr. Symond’s Brother for another and Capt. Yorkley for a third being the first Capt. that came to this Port.
Mr. LaFond who owes his Passage to Mr. Simond is at work for You upon the Mills.
There are already 600 Persons in Georgia. Mr. Oglethorpe has dispersed several along our River which will render it more commodious and very agreable to Travellers. There are 10 Familys at Tybee, where they are going to build a Tower of Wood of a prodigious Height, that the Ships that are bound to Georgia may know the Bar they are to pass through to go up the River Savannah, a thing very necessary to a new Settlement. There are likewise 10 Familys at Thunderbolt, it is 6 miles up St. Augustine’s Creek which is 4 miles below Savannah and it is but 4 miles from Savannah by Land. I suppose You are not unacquainted that the Principal Town in Georgia is Savannah. They have 10 Familys at Augutchy [Argyle] it is 40 miles by Land behind Savannah and more than 80 by Water. There are 10 Families at Corn House Creek which is 8 miles below Purysburgh. At Cape Bluff they have begun to build a Village which will consist in 40 Houses, it is one of the prettiest Places in Georgia and is to be call’d Oglethorpe. It is 10 miles below Purysburgh. There are 10 Familys at Highgate. It is 4 miles in the Country about Savannah. They talk of building another Village of 40 Houses above Purysburgh, all which is very agreable to us. They are so many Barriers against the Enemy.
Isaac Chardon29 to Harman Verelst, Jan. 17, 1733/4, Charles Town, Egmont 14200, pp. 137-138, concerning conditions in Georgia.
I received your favour of the 17th Septr. last p Capt. [John] Thomas with the Inclosed Invoyce of what was Shipp’d on board his Ship called the London Merchant. The Goods all came in very good Order and I shall take Care to send them as Occasions offer to Savannah in the same manner. Mr. Oglethorpe could not send the Sloop Heathcote for them since poor Kilbury was dead.
The Colony has lost a very brisk active man for he was constantly stirring & making some Discoveries of the Coast and Channel, and diligent in whatever he was employed in. I don’t know what they will do for want of this Fellow, for they have now no body that they can trust to Send the Sloop round to this Port. He is very much regretted by Mr. Oglethorpe for I saw that he was much concerned. He died the 8th of last month.
Every thing goes forward to admiration & the first People seem now to work very quietly & with Courage, being sensible that the Interest they have there is not of little value, which will consequently give great Encouragement to those that come after.
There was then forty odd Houses up, thirty of them all boarded and shingled and one whole Chimney, but that was fixed to the Revd. Mr. Quincy’s Habitation. There is now three quite finished, and there is also a glorious large Oven which convinces all Travellers that there is no want of good Bread. They are also pretty forward with the Look out or Lighthouse which is to be 90 feet high.
Mr. Oglethorpe has agreed with Capt. Dejean of Purysburg for a pretty large Quantity of Bricks which they understand making very well. For those that I saw there were extraordinary good.
Capt. [Lionell] Wood and Yoakley are both safely arrived there and by this time I suppose are Discharged.
Mr. Oglethorpe with Mr. Beaufain embarked at Georgia for Purysburg last week.
We are daily expecting Capt. Fry and wish to have a good Sight of him.
Thomas Causton to the Trustees, between Jan. 12-20, 1733/4, Savannah, Egmont 14200, p. 141, concerning ship arrivals and expenses.
May it please Your Honrs.
Mr. Oglethorpe having occasion to go to Abercorn River; He has commanded me to acquaint Your Honours That Capt. Lionell Wood Master of the good Ship Savannah arrived here on the 15th day of December, having conducted the Passengers, according to his Invoyce, very safely and in good Health except two Children who dyed in the Voyage. And has, upon a thorough Examination, behaved very well both in his Voyage & here, as well towards the Passengers in particular as the Colony in general.
Mr. Oglethorpe has drawn Bills upon You for £ 200 Sterling, which he paid for 40 Servants; and £ 78 which is the Amount of the inclosed as bought of Capt. Wood.
I beg Leave to acquaint Your Honours That the People here are generally in good health. That Capt. [Francis] Scott died here the 2d. Instant. To assure You of my diligent Obedience to all your Honour’s Commands.
Hector de Beaufain30 to Peter and/or J. C. Simond in London, Jan. 23, 1733/4, Purrysburg, Egmont 14200, pp. 149-152, concerning his trip into upper Georgia with Oglethorpe and conditions at Purysburgh.
I have wrote two Letters to You since I arrived in Carolina, one of which I left at Charles Town to be sent You by the first opportunity. I intended to make but a short Stay there for I was impatient to See Georgia and Purysburgh but my Illness detained me. I embarked (tho’ not perfectly recovered) on board of a small scooner the 2d. Instant and having met with contrary Winds arrived only the 7th at Savannah. We entered the River at Tybee Island without a Pilot, Mr. Oglethorpe had been so kind as to send one to meet us but the Weather being foggy he miss’d us at Sea. I had the pleasure to see your Ships the two Brothers and the Savannah at Anchor before the Town. The Commanders of them will give You an Accot. of the Coast and the fine River. I landed on the 7th at night, Mr. Oglethorpe received me in the most obliging manner and next day did me the favour to shew me the Town, the Publick Garden and the Plantations, all which is Situated in the pleasantest part of the Country and laid out to the best advantage. As You have seen Accots. of the Particulars by Mr. Oglethorpe himself it would be Presumption in me to attempt one. I was Surprized at the Progress made already, it is carried on with good order and Dispatch; there is no Doubt but this Colony will soon be very considerable. It has the happiness to be Settled by Gentlemen who tho’ Proprietors of the Country claim no other Share in it than that of procuring the Welfare of its Inhabitants; So generous an instance of Humanity must affect the People with the deepest Sense of Gratitude, and Mr. Oglethorpe’s Example must give them Spirit to overcome all Difficulties. The settling of Georgia is what Mr. Oglethorpe has so entirely at heart that every Thought and Action of his is directed to that favourite Object. He is taken up when in Town with the Political and Civil part of the Administration, the business of Grants, the Settling and providing new Inhabitants, keeping a good order among the People, he enters into every particular and hears with the greatest Patience and good nature any one who applys to him. When Affairs are ordered in Town so that he may be absent for some time then he visits the Out Settlements, lays out new ones, examines the nature of the Soil, appoints proper Places for Forts, Mills and other publick Works, searches into Inlets of Rivers hitherto unknown, by means of which the Inland Navigation may be improved and even the great Rivers made to communicate with one another. I leave You to judge my dear Friend what Care Activity and Resolution is required to go through such a Multiplicity of Work. I have had the Satisfaction to attend Mr. Oglethorpe in one of the Country Expeditions, and to see him exert that generous Spirit which makes all this fatigue more delightful to him than the Pleasures which a man of his merit and Fortune might enjoy in England. Before I leave Savannah Town I must not forget to tell You who are concerned in the Navigation of the River that there is a fine Lighthouse making by Mr. Oglethorpe’s Order to be erected upon a Point in Tybee Island.
After having been five days at Savannah with Mr. Oglethorpe I waited on him in his Scout Boat to Purysburgh which is but 24 miles from Savannah Town by Water and much less by Land. We passed by a new Settlement upon Savannah River made by several Scotch Gentlemen of good Families. It is about 11 miles above the Town. There is a strong Timber Building for a Fort and there will be fix’d a Battery of Cannon to command the River; the Situation is very agreable. We might have reached Purysburgh in less than half a day, but Mr. Oglethorpe would visit some familys which he has settled upon Abercorn River. The River is large and joyns the Savannah at about 6 miles below Purysburgh. We found the People very busy; they were extremely pleased with the Honour Mr. Oglethorpe did them. We passed the Night in the Boat and next Evening proceeded to Purysburgh. Mr. Oglethorpe was received there with all the marks of Distinction and the Demonstrations of publick Joy the Town could afford; we Supp’d at the Colonel’s where Mr. Oglethorpe took his Lodging, mine was at Capt. Lafittes.
Next day we continued our way up the River. We made a Progress of 5 days lying at Nights either in the Boat or in the Woods. We had for 2 nights a very hard Frost. This way of Travelling I was an entire Stranger to. I believe it would disagree with most People. We saw upwards of Purysburgh no human Creature excepting an Indian Warrior who was coming down with his Family in a Canoe. He was mightily pleased to meet with Mr. Oglethorpe who has found means to keep a good Correspondence with the Indians of these parts. The Current of the River is very strong above Purysburgh. We went not only along the Savannah but turned into several fine Creeks or Lagunes they are called so here tho’ some of them are Rivers. We landed on all Places likely for Settlements. I had much ado to follow Mr. Oglethorpe for he walks the Wood like any Indian. The Georgia Side seems to be by much preferable to the other; there are more rising Spots of Ground fit for Habitations. That on the Carolina Side is low and overflown in Winter. It is good for Rice Land but there is too much of it. This puts me in mind of Mr. Purry’s 48000 Acres. I have got the Governor’s Warrant for running of them out and he is to be put in possession of 12000. I asked Mr. Oglethorpe’s Advice. He told me that tho’ the Land below Purysburgh is better Situated he was for running it above that Town to avoid Disputes which might prejudice the Interest of Purysburgh in this Province, adding that as new Settlements are intended above Purysburgh on the Georgia Side, some of our Settlements the same way would be agreable to the Gentlemen in the Trust. We therefore concluded to take the 12000 Acres above Purysburgh and Mr. Oglethorpe is to send me a Surveyor for that purpose. Mr. Oglethorpe staid one day at Purysburgh at our Return and then went down again to Savannah.
You have had, my dear Friend, so many Descriptions of Purysburgh already that it is needless to trouble You with one. I wish I could give You an agreable Account of the poor People’s Condition. I know how wellcome it would be to You who have always shewn so tender a Concern for them. The Truth is they are in great need of assistance. They have some from the Province who is very sensible of the Usefullness of this Colony, but the Country is in Debt and cannot raise new Funds. The Hardships and Difficulties attending new Settlements are such as require great helps. They are not wanting to themselves, they are an industrious and brave Peoples. Some notice taken of them at home would spirit them up and encrease their number so as to make this a strong fence against the Incursions of the French or Spanish Indians and even of the French or Spaniards themselves. This Colony may be no less usefull to Georgia if not more. It prevents their being Surprized from this Side, and in case of an Attack they are within Call in a manner of Savannah and may be there with Arms and Provisions in less than a day. They show’d their Readiness to assist their Neighbours last Summer when it was thought that the Spaniards were going to make an Attempt upon Georgia. As they had their Provisions given them by the Province they look’d upon themselves as a Garrison and thought they could not leave their Town to meet the Enemy at Savannah without the Governour’s order. They applyed to have a general Leave which the Governour gave them by telling them they were not restrained upon those Exigencies. Mr. Oglethorpe is a very good friend to Purysburgh, and where he is a friend he is a usefull one. He has promised to recommend that Colony to the Gentlemen in the Trust. I have great hopes that some way will be found for the Relief of the poor People. I have received a Letter from Mr. Oglethorpe who does me the favour to let me know that he has rec’d a Grant from the Governour for the Lands below Onefurkee Creek. He is going to visit the Alatamaha River. I have paid today £ 60 Sterling to Mr. Dejean which the Major will repay. I long to hear from You and our Friends, to whom pray give my hearty Service.
Extract of a letter dated as Purrysburgh, Jan. 26, 1733/4, Egmont 14200, pp. 153-154, concerning Savannah marriages.
I have but very little to add to my last in which I acquainted You with the Agreement made between four Couples of our People to enter into the State of Matrimony which seems at present very well adapted to the Taste of the Young Men and Maidens of our Colony. Since there are now six Couples instead of four, all very fit for Propagation I am told that some of these Wives will hardly Stay the nine months out to Create a Progeny, whether by reason of the fruitfullness of the Air or of some Tryal of Skill beforehand I do not determine. As we have no Parson to perform the Ceremony of the Marriage (being by the Grace of God rid of that base Mr. Bugnion) the above six Couples together went to Georgia for that Purpose. The Attendants were very numerous and the Major of our Fortress was at the Head of this Nuptial Band for the better Security and good Order of the Voyage. They landed at Savannah Town and Mr. Oglethorpe received them in the most obliging manner and with much Generosity. He ordered presently a fine Hog to be killed for the Entertainment of the Company. Beer, Wine, Rum and Punch was very plentifull. They were all very merry and danc’d the whole Night long. The next day they went to Mr. Oglethorpe to take their Leave and thank him for all his Kindnesses, and as their Boats were passing the River they were Saluted from the Fort by a Volley of the great Guns. They all returned safe here. I cannot express how much our People were pleased with their Journey and how many times they bless’d Mr. Oglethorpe. There is now two Couple more desiring to go to Savannah as the others did; Peter Roche designs to marry a young German Girl of 15 Years of Age. She is the prettiest Maid of our Colony; the other Couple is Francis Buche with the Widow Franks. But her first Husband being lost no longer than ten months ago She is to Stay according to the Laws of Carolina till one Year and one Day be over before She can take a second Husband; ‘tis very likely the first has perished in the Forests, having heard of him in no manner at all.
Every thing goes on very well in our Colony, our Gardens are plentifull, our Cattle encreases, our Lots in the Town are almost Cultivated and we are in hopes of a pretty good Harvest.
Robert Parker31 to Harmon Verelst, Jan. 1733/4, Savannah, Egmont 14200, p. 145, concerning his sawmill in Georgia.
I make use of Mr. Gordon’s Departure to return You my hearty Thanks for all your Favours. I shall retain a due Sense of them. I am now in Georgia where I have undertaken to make a Mill for Sawing of Wood & another for grinding of Wheat which will be finished in a few days. I have agreed with Mr. Oglethorpe who allows me £ 60 Sterling a year, my Victuals and 5 P C p Ann. on the Profits of the first Saw Mill. If I had People to help me I could build several Mills. If we had half a dozen we could employ them all. I have resolved to build all my Mills upon the little Rivulets we have in Georgia. I am building a Mill which will be very strong and will move upwards of thirty Saws. My Reasons for building them on the Rivulets are several. First The continual Supply of Water which I can depend on night and day. Secondly Because we are not at the Charge and Trouble of bringing the Trees by Carriages. I have them cut down and thrown in the Water then they come down with the Current from upwards of 4 or 5 Leagues distance into a Repository that I have made near the Mill.
Extract of a letter from South Carolina, Feb. 1733/4, Egmont 14200, pp. 157-158, concerning possible Cherokee troubles.
We have here a very great Expectation of an Eruption with the Cherokee Indians. They have for some time behaved in a very insolent manner, but more particularly about fifteen days ago; there went a hundred of them to a Trader’s Store with their Arms and plundered his Store taking away every thing from him, and told the Trader if he was angry they would kill him. The Principal Actors in this Affair was those Indians that Sr. Alexander Cummings carried over lately to England; we find notwithstanding the good Treatment they met with there that they are more insolent than the others and say that we are all Slaves to the Great George, and all the Goods carried to their Nation are his and he sends them over as Presents to them, and therefore we impose on them by demanding any Consideration for the Goods. It would be tedious for You to read were I to relate their repeated Insolencies we have had from those Indians since their Return from Great Britain; and am sure it will be for the Service of this Province never to Suffer any more of them to go there; the Treaty of Alliance Settled between them and the Lords of Trade they now despise. We are under such Apprehensions from the Indians that the Assembly are now considering of two Forts to be erected immediately, one amongst the Cherokees and the other amongst the Creeks in order to put a Check to their Insolence as well as to secure our Trade, and without that be done a War with the Indians will be unavoidable. For the French have to the Southward at least Twelve thousand Indians that they may easily bring against us, without mentioning the great Numbers they have at Canada and up the River Mississippi. These to the Southward are the Nations called the Choctaws & Blewmonths32 who they may march from their Settlements to Charles Town in Twenty days. ‘Tis true we have two new Settlements making to the Southward on Savannah River, that is the Swiss Settlement under the Conduct of Mr. Purry and the other called Georgia under Mr. Oglethorpe; but these tho’ in time may be good Frontiers, at present will be of little Service in case of an Indian War because those Strangers would make but a poor Stand in our Indian method of fighting. The Swiss Settlemt. goes on very well and the People very industrious, the others are not so laborious.
James Oglethorpe to the Trustees, Feb. 26, 1733/4, Savannah, Egmont 14200, pp. 161-162, recommending 500 acres for Joseph Watson.
I recommend to You Mr. Joseph Watson of Grantham in Lincolnshire for a Grant of Land herein Specifyed and that the Grant may pass your Seal with the utmost Expedition. That is to say Five hundred Acres of Land to the said Mr. Joseph Watson and to the Heirs Male of his Body and in case of failure to the Heirs Male of the Body of Susannah Watson Daughter of the said Joseph Watson and that his Widow on his Decease shall be intitled to the Mansion House and to one third of the Land during her Life. The same to be held as Gentleman’s Tenour and bounded by the Trust Lands, dividing the same Tract from the Lands of John Musgrove Gent. and by the Trust Lands divided from the Indian Creek. On the following Conditions.
1st. To Pay Ten shillings of lawfull money of England for every hundred Acres to Commence Ten Years after the Date of the Grant, to be paid within six days after the Day of Payment.
2d. To Settle himself with four white Men Servants upwards of eighteen Years of Age each upon the said Lands and to continue with the same Number of four men in the said Province for the Space of three Years from the Date of the Grant.
3d. To clear and cultivate for each hundred Twenty Acres within the Space of Ten Years and Plant upon the same Two hundred white Mulberry Trees and maintain them, and one hundred upon every Ten Acres which he shall clear.
4th. Not to alienate any part of the said Five hundred Acres without Licence.
5th. Not to enter into a Company to Manufacture Pot Ash, but may Manufacture the same separately.
6th. Not to hire, lodge, board or employ any Black or Negroe or any Slave within the said Province of Georgia.
7th. If the said Joseph Watson shall dye without Issue Male, or himself or Successors shall be guilty of Treason or Felony then the said Lands shall revert to the Trust as if the Grant had never been made.
Isaac Chardon to the Trustees, March 14, 1733/4, Charles Town, Egmont 14200, p. 165, concerning the arrival of the Salzburgers.
Mr. Oglethorpe was sent for the 22d last month by the Publick to be consulted with on certain Indian Affairs, to Ward against the Incroachments of the French on the back of the Upper Creek Nation in the Province of Georgia, and to six certain Forts by the Assistance of the Publick as will tend to the Safety of this Province so well as that. And being very much hurried while he was here and more so on the Arrival of Capt. Fry off our Bar with the Saltzburghers and other Passengers who were in good health, he set out again for Georgia the 11th instant without having any spare time to write to You. He told me that he should return again a fortnight hence, but there is now so much fresh Work cut out for him that I do not expect to see him until the latter End of next month.
James Oglethorpe to the Trustees, April 2, 1734, Charles Town, Egmont 14200, pp. 169-171, concerning the settlement of the Salzburgers Georgia’s expences, and fear of the French among the Creek Indians.
The Ship with the Saltzburghers came in sight and Mr. Van Reck [Baron Georg Philipp Friedrich von Reck] landed here just as I was going to imbark for England. I found it necessary to go down to Georgia to place them there and make a Disposition for their Subsistence. I put on board them a Pilot and got Mr. [George?] Dunbar, a Gentleman of fashion, who is a very good Seaman and knows the Entrance of the Savannah River perfectly well, to go with them. I was, for haste, not able to write to You, because I sat out instantly and arrived at Savannah on the 14th of March. I settled the Saltzburghers in the Situation which they desired, though it occasions an additional Expence we being obliged to buy Horses to carry up their Provision by Land for they are six miles from the great River, and the Ebenezer is so choaked up with old Trees that Boats cannot go till they are removed. I therefore hired a Packhorseman and have ordered him Ten Horses to attend them. I have bought a Sow, a Cow, two Fowls, Ducks and Geese for each of them, which will be delivered as soon as they can be got up. The Commissary [Von Reck] is a good natured Man, the Ministers are very devout and the eldest is a very wise Man; the whole are a religious, industrious and cheerfull People and in all probability will succeed very well.
The Assistance the Assembly voted us last year of £ 8000 Currency is not yet paid so that our Colony’s daily Expences obliged me to draw upon You for the Supply of them. The Money is to be raised upon the Duty on Rum, which is a very good Fund and You by that means may be reimplaced. The above Expences together with the Saltzburghers and other Expences occasioned by the vast Increase of our People, and the Price of Rice rising from between 30 and 40 shillings £ hundred weight, which it was last Year, to £ 3. and £ 3. 2. 6 which it is this Year, and all other Provisions proportionably together with the Ship Load of Servants which I bought, who must otherwise have perished and who are now grown very usefull to the Colony; has occasioned my Drawing for the inclosed Sums upon You.
The Orders for a Man of War to cruise off the Georgia Station are come, but we are in very little Apprehension of the Spaniards we being much more able to dislodge them from Augustine than they us from Savannah. But the French are much to be apprehended from the Westward, and several Soldiers pretending themselves to be Deserters, whom I take for Spies, have come into Carolina over Land from the Mississippi. They have lately attacked the Chickasaws and almost extirpated the Notchees and Foxees, Nations in friendship with Carolina. Before I came here they had encroached into the Upper Creeks Country, where they had built a Fort called Albamuse and were going to build another in the Lower Creeks when I arrived, but such Measures have been taken that they did not venture to do it; And the Creeks have resolved not to let them encroach any further. The People of Carolina are of opinion that the French will strive by force to settle amongst the Creeks; the Post which they did intend to fortify being of that consequence that they think, if the French are once well established there, Carolina will be lost upon the very first War. They would fain have had me built a Fort there, and the Creek Indians (fearing to be overpowered by the French) have applied to the same purpose, though they would never admit of a Fort and Garrison from Carolina. The Expence being very great though the Necessity is much greater, I have not concluded any thing with them being very cautious of imbarking in new Expences; those which are absolutely necessary for the Subsistence of the People being already so great.
Anonymous letter to Lord Percival (Earl of Egmont), April 6, 1734, Savannah, Egmont 14200, pp. 173-174, concerning the writer’s desire to leave his property for missionary work among the Indians.
I know I need make no Apology, your known Zeal for the Christian Religion is sufficient for me. I have my Lord from my Birth in a peculiar manner acknowledged the Divine Providence over me and particularly in the settling the Colony of Georgia. The great God therein hath blessed my Labours to whom I am desirous to dedicate the first Fruits of them.
I have no Children nor am like to have and on failure of Issue I have after my Death given my Town Lot Garden Lot and Farm Lot with the House Warehouses Buildings and Appurtenances whatsoever in the said Town of Savannah now of the Value of £ 25 Sterling p Ann, towards the Maintenance of a Missionary to be recommended by Your Lordship and Your Successors & approved of by the Trustees for the Colony whose only Business shall be the Conversion of the Indians in this Province to the Christian Religion. I beg Your Lordship will take care to see the same confirmed at home by those Honble. Gentlemen.
My Lord the Indians near us are desirous of Instruction which they have hitherto refused to receive; there is nothing wanting to their Conversion but one who speaks and understands well their Language to explain to them the Mysterys of the Christian Religion, for as to the Morals of Christianity they understand and assent to it and indeed by strict Justice and good Usage Mr. Oglethorpe has so endear’d them to him that they are ready to hear and receive any thing he shall propose. They seem to be Masters of true Eloquence making allowance for what they suffer through the badness of Interpreters. Many of their Speeches are equal to those we admire in Greek and Roman Writings; They generally in Set Speeches use Similies and Metaphors. I beg Leave my Lord to mention one spoken by their Chief Tomo Chachi to Mr. Oglethorpe. Sir, says he, here is a little Present, giving him a Buffloe Skin painted on the inside, with the Head and Feathers of an Eagle That the Eagle signifyed Speed the Buffloe Strength. That the English were so swift as the Bird and strong as the Beast since like the first they flew from the utmost parts of the Earth over the great Seas and like the second nothing could withstand them. That the Feathers of an Eagle were soft and signifyed Love the Buffloe Warmth signifyed Protection; therefore he hoped we would love and protect them.
I beg Leave my Lord to take notice that this Province will with Pain and Care produce both Wine and Silk and deserves his Majesty’s particular regard. They are very loyal and on all publick Occasions drinking their Majesty’s healths. I have ordered a Copy of a Poem made by a Georgian (the Perusal of which I hope will be agreable to Your Lordship) to be delivered to You.
We therefore beg leave to inform Your Majesty, that the Building and Mounting some Forts also among the Cherokees, and making them presents will be highly necessary to keep them steady in their duty to your Majesty, least the French may prevail in Seducing that Nation, which they may the more readily be inclined to from the prospect of getting considerable Plunder in Slaves, Cattle, & Commodities, which they very well know they have among us. Several other Forts will be indispensably necessary to be a Cover to your Majesty’s Subjects, settled backwards in this Province, as also to those of the Colony of Georgia, both which in length are very extensive. For tho’ the Trustees for Establishing the Colony of Georgia by a Particular Scheme of good Management painfully conducted by the Gentleman [Oglethorpe] engaged here in that Charitable Enterprize have put that small part of the Colony which he has been yet able to Establish in a Tenible Condition against the Spaniards of Florida which lie to the Southward, yet the Back Exposition of those Colonys to the vast number of French & Indians which border on the Westward must in case of a War cry greatly aloud for your Majesty’s gracious & timely Succour. The expence of our Safety on such an Occasion We must in all humility acquaint your Majesty either for Men or Money can never be effected by Your Majesty’s subjects of this Province, who in Conjunction with Georgia, do not in the whole amount to more than three Thousand five Hundred Men that compose the Militia, and wholly consist of Planters, Traders, and other Men in Business.
Samuel Eveleigh to James Oglethorpe, May 7, 1734, South Carolina, Egmont 14200, 76-78, concerning Cherokee troubles.
According to my promise I shall endeavour to give You as full an Account of all those Occurrences which shall happen in this Province that I think to be most material and which I believe will be most acceptable to You; and that I may not omit any thing material I shall do it by way of Journal.
7th May. This Day came to Town Mr. Thos. Brown from the Cautabas and informed me that the Sinnacas had fallen upon that nation and killed two Persons, but that a parcel of Cautabas to the Number of 20 in the Woods discovered 26 Indians whom they supposed to be French, Surprized them, killed 13 and brought as many entire Scalps into their Nation with the Loss of only one Man.
9th. I sent to Georgia by Mrs. Musgrove some Date Stones and Cottaquinteda33 seeds and desired Mr. Causton to put them into the Ground immediately, and acquainted him that the Cottaquinteda came up like a Water Melon and that the Leaves resemble one the other.
About the same time came to Town Saml. Brown and other Indian Traders from the Cherokees who say those Indians were very insolent & threaten’d to take away the Lives and Effects of the Traders as will appear by the Following Account Mr. Beane has given me in Writing (vizt.) about the 1st of September the little Warrior who is the Governor’s friend came to my house and told me that he had much ado to Save the white mens Lives for at the meeting at J. Oree the Consultation was held the whole night and ‘twas to kill all the white Men that was there, and that a Runner was to go all over the Nation where any white Men was and kill them. In the morning he came home drest in his Leather Shirt and the other Warrior called Major Fitch took notice and ask’d him what was the matter, and he said nothing for he believed there would be no meeting that day. The Major told him to go and talk to them and he would stay another day. Accordingly the little Warrior went and ask’d them where he should go to get Powder and Bullets for that he had been every Path but could find none but amongst the English and told them further if they were upon that Design he woul dye along with them. Febry. the 6th the little Warrior came to my house again and told me that ‘twas good for the white men, meaning the Traders, to Stay down among the English and not to come up here for one or two years and then their young men would know what the Want of Goods was. For You white People will not believe the Danger till You feel it and if You white People will stay below I think it is very good and then they will want me to go down & bring up the white People again and then that will be the time for me to talk with them. When the Warriors heard that the Indians had taken away Horsfords Goods he said this is the beginning of my People’s bad thoughts, for my part I shall not see it for I will go to the English and live with them I and all my Children and to morrow I shall go. To which I made him answer that he must not go and leave all the white men so he was contented to stay and see all the white men go out of the Valley. I then went to the Town house and desired the beloved men to persuade him to stay, at another time they said the Governour was a Rogue for stopping the Path and that they would go down in a body without his Leave.
13th May. Came to Town Goodall and several other Creek Traders who say that those Indians are very peaceable and quiet with them. And with them came down two of the men that belonged to Capt. Pointsets Sloop that sailed hence in September last for Moville [Mobile?] and gives an Account that as soon as the Vessel arrived at Masackt at the mouth of the said River she was Seized and confiscated one half to the King the other half to the Governour, and the Capt. fined a 1,000 Livres. And ‘tis here believed that the two Vessells that lately Sailed from hence to that place will meet the same fate which News is very agreable to the Indian Traders and many others no way concerned therein, it being a Trade that would have been attended with very mischevious Consequnces to this Province. And this Disappointment will put a Stop to this Trade and probably be a means to Extend our Trade to the Choctaws which will be a great Advantage not only to Trade but to this Province by bringing those Indians into our Interest which might have been affected some time since had not Capt. Glover obstructed it, induced thereunto by some private Views.
The Governour did design to prorogue the Assembly to a further day but upon this News from the Cherokees he ordered them to meet and they are now setting.
16th May. Yesterday arrived Capt. Paul Capt. Greg from Leith with 67 Passengers and a Vessel from Dublin with Servants.
Paul Hamilton to Thomas Causton, May 27, 1734, Edisto Island, S.C., C.O. 5/636, p. 296, concerning presents of livestock to Causton and others and the desire for a Georgia land grant.
Haveing an oppertunity by Capt Odingsell have Sent you these few lines wth my Humble Service, & to acquaint you yt I depend very much upon your kind promiss made me just before parting, of writeing in my behalf by the first oppertunity to yt worthy Gentleman mr Oglethorp, about the five hundred acre Island upon Augusteen Creek oppesite to a neck of Land cal’d Hendrix neck, which he promis’d he wood take Special care to give orders to be marked out for me. And more than that for my Incouragement to get a Settlement there told me that I Shud have it upon the first Conditions, which was a hundred acre to a Servant, which I doubt not but he will readily remember when you write to him about it. Which thing not being don I impute to his forgetfulness ocasioned by being in a hurry of business at that time. Sir these are also to acquaint you that mr wm Edings, & mr James Lardant, two of the Gentlemen that were with me at Georgia, have made a present of three Cows & Calfs more, one to your Self, another to mr Vanderplank, & the third to the Gentlemen where we were drinking a glass together that night we were with you whose name we know not. I desier you’l accept also of a Small present from me to your Self, of a Splaid mair [mare] for your rideing & two Cows & Calfs & a young bull. Also two Cows & Calfs I make a present of to mr Jones. I desier you to Send a Petteauger for them to mr Joseph Sealys Landing as Soon as Possible before the weather grow too warm. Pray do me the favour as to give my Humble Service to mr Oglethorp when you write, which is all that offers at prest.
P.S. I hope that Cattle last sent went safe to you. My service to Mrs. Hodgges.
Endorsed on address side of letter:
Baron von Pfeil34 to [?], June 14, 1735, Ratisbonne (Regensberg), C.O. 5/637, p. 110, concerning Moravian settlers for Georgia. Translation from French.
Having received through His Majesty’s Minister of Great Britain the declaration of Messrs, my very honourable Trustees of Georgia in America upon the propositions of a South German made by me to the above said illustrious society, I have the honour of rendering you by this his response, and asking you humbly to inform concerning it Mesars. the Trustees.
[P.S.] Not having any address to Mr Lorenzi, I take the liberty of rendering you this response. very humbly.
Extract of a letter from Rev. Samuel Quincy35 to James Oglethorpe, June 20, 1734, Boston, New England, Egmont 14200, p. 205, concerning his going to Georgia and new arrivals there.
I am now I thank God pretty well recovered of my Indisposition and intend to set out with all possible Expedition for Georgia and hope to be there before this can arrive in England. Since your Departure from Charles Town I am informed there is a Vessel arrived there from Leith in Scotland with 7 Gentlemen and about 60 inferiour Persons, Servants and Dependants with Design to settle in Georgia. My Friend writes me Word that some People there have endeavoured to dissuade them from going further but that he believes he shall prevail with 6 of the Gentlemen with their Servants &c. to go up. I heartily wish You Sir all imaginable Happiness and Satisfaction in your Return to your Native Country amidst the just Applauses of your Friends, and above all I wish You that calm Satisfaction & inward Pleasure which is the sure Reward of virtuous and good Actions and is infinitely preferable to Popular Applause.
Rev. Samuel Quincy to James Oglethorpe, July 22, 1734, Charles Town, Egmont 14200, p. 206, relating of his arrival and New England help for Georgia.
Since the Writing of this I have been disuaded by my Friends from undertaking so long a Journey by Land as from Boston to Philadelphia this hot Season of the year; and therefore have took the opportunity of a Vessel belonging to my Relations bound to Charles Town where I am now arrived after a short and pleasant Passage of 15 Days. Mr. Van Reek arrived in Boston a few days before I came away, I had the Pleasure of seeing him there and we Sailed out of the Harbour at the same time, I hope he is now arrived in London. The Governor of New England has promised to propose to the Council and Assembly to Send a Sloop with Saw’d Boards and Provisions for the Use of our New Colony. I have heard that they are at present in pretty good health at Georgia & go on very well.
Patrick Mackay36 to Thomas Causton, July 8, 1734, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, pp. 315-316, Egmont 14200, pp. 211-212, concerning a proposed Choctaw visit and Indian trade.
An Express from Captain Mcpherson for his Excellency Governor Johnson delivered me yours of first of July. I judged on receipt of yours that he had comed from you for his Excellency and therefore waited of him to hear the News it being reported in Town that you had taken 30 Spaniards prisoners. But his Excellency told me he had only a Letter from Captain [James] Mcpherson with advice of the Chactaws Indians Arrivall in Georgia with some of the Chiefs of the upper Creeks. Tho it would be very inconvenient for me to be sooner with you as towards the latter end of this Month, yet I should endeavour to be with you sometime this week, but that his Excellency with some of his Counsell are of opinion that the Chactaws Should come here. I am not my self averse to their coming here for this reason, that as the Chactaws have never been in any of our British Settlements before therefore they should see the best appearance we can make, that they may give a better report of us than they can do from Seeing our Infant Colony only. His Excellency therefore desires that if you Join in Opinion with him, the Scout Boat may be sent down wth. them the upper Creeks and [Thomas ?] Jones, or that, if they Choose to travel by Land you send them by Purrisburgh. I shall take care of them while here and return with them to Savannah where Ide have us enter into treaties with them and you should make them the proper presents on that occasion. If you join with me in Opinion pray send them down and let me know if you have in the Store Such things as are proper to be offered them as presents when they return, that if you have them not I may carry them from here, which I should be Satisfied to have your Directions about.
But if you should be of a different Opinion pray keep them in diversion there untill I am got Clear here, which will take me at least fourteen days yet. For tomorrow I go to buy 30 or 40 horses into the Country and as I can’t tell where to find them it may consume more time than I can presently foresee. But how soon I have got the Horses bought I shall be after ordering them up over Land to the Patachocolas Ready to leave this place in a few days, for I have got all the presents ready. Wither you keep them there or that they come here I shall endeavour to perswade them to return with me to the Creek Nations.
If the Indians come here It will have this advantage that not only they shall entertain better Notions of the British in General but it will cause as much of the Presents which this Province will be at the Expence off if they come here.
Pray tell Tommy Jones not to apply to Carolina for a Licence to trade with the Chactaws. If he comes here let him see me first & I shall Satisfie him in what he shall desire. Tell him to Acknowledge to those of this Province that shall ask the questions that it was by Mr. Oglethorpes possitive orders he undertook that Voyage for which he had a Promise of that Trade for 3 or 4 years, which tell him to insist upon if any Occasion is for his So doing.
Rev. John Martin Bolzius to James Vernon, July 13, 1734, Ebenezer, Egmont 14200, pp. 215-217, concerning arrival and conditions in Ebenezer.
Most Honoured Sir
The many favours and benefits You have laid upon me and all your Saltzburghers have occasioned my Writing to You, and I hope your generous good nature will excuse it when these humble Lines cause any hindrance in the urgency of your Affairs. For that would render us worthy of blame if we did not let You understand that we account ourselves happy in your favour and tender Care of us, and our Prayers are daily for your Health and Welfare. We have it already cast in our minds to bring to our father in Heaven many Sacrifices of Thanksgiving, so soon as we are informed You have finished your Sea Voyage in good Health and Prosperity. God reward You a thousand times for all your Goodness presented to us in the former time and let all your good Counsels and weighty Affairs redound to the publick Good & Welfare of many poor People. We will make it the future business of our Life by the Grace and Assistance of the Holy Ghost to be no ways behind in Gratitude towards God and all our Benefactors. I cannot but let you know by this, that through your fatherly Care and Order Mr. Causton has sent for the Saltzburghers very sufficient Provisions and gives us most daily several Testimonies of his tender Regard to us, which is as we see and hear very tedious to the People at Abercorn & Savannah; wherefore they spread out very much Lies and ill things from your Saltzburghers, vizt. they were all given to Laziness, Drunkenness and several Disorders and were for all that not worthy of so many benefits. I and all Persons which are much conversant with this People are obliged to report well of them, that they dwell in the fear of God, practise Soberness and other Christian Virtues, and labour so earnestly that some of them have by the much Troubles and heavy Works Sickness and Death upon themselves. Five men and two Wives are deceased and some have been till now deadly sick. Therefore seeing that we do not find a great Abatement in our Congregation, we pray You will after your beloved kindness be carefull that more Saltzburghers come to our place so soon as it is possible; because a greater number of hands will ease their burden and very difficult works. Until this time they are constrain’d to do several Works which hinder them very often in building their own Houses and tilling the Ground. They have put in the Ground some Indian Pease, Corn and other Seed which they received from Mr. Causton in abundance, but no more as the said Pease and some English Beans and Cucumbers grow up. I believe the seasonable time of Sowing was past or the Seed is superannuated. As for mine and Mr. Gronau’s healths, thanks be to God they continue as heretofore; and of our Livelihood we have no reason to complain. The Indians haunt us and tell us several Words of their Language which we note and learn by heart. So soon as we can quit the business, which is without our Vocation, we will do our utmost Endeavours to learn the said Language after which we have a hearty Desire and Delight. We wish earnestly that some family might dwell among us in Ebenezer, and rest in hopes our Wishes shall be by your and Mr. Causton’s Care successfull. I have no more to add then that my Colleague Mr. Gronau gives his humble Respects to You, and so with my heartiest and best wishes I close up this.
P.S. Mr. Rolf gave me the inclosed Letter to send it to You and desire that You, Sir, grant him Leave and Licence to return to Germany, by reason he cannot work in the Ground after the testimony of all your Saltzburghers.
Mary Musgrove to James Oglethorpe, July 17, 1734, Savannah, Egmont 14200, pp. 219-221, concerning Choctaw and Creek relations.
I make bold to acquaint You that Thos. Jones is returned from the Choctaws and according to your Honours Desire he has brought the Choctaws down and they have received great favours from Col. Bull and Mr. Causton and all the rest of the Colony, and a great deal of Respect shew’d them which they are wonderfully pleased at. And when they came down Mr. Jones brought with him some of the Heads of the Tallooposes which is called the Upper Creeks; The Dog King of Uphalais Chauaway by name went with Mr. Jones up to the Choctaws to make peace, and he is mighty glad that he and Mr. Jones did persuade them to come down which is more than ever Carolina could do to get them down before. And the Choctaws are so glad that some white People whom they call’d their Masters has taken such Care of them as to send for them and they was very glad of the opportunity to come for they lived very poor before and now they are in good hopes to live as well as the other Indians do, for they had nor have no Trade with the French and their Skins lye by them and rot. When Mr. Thos. Jones came to them at first there was thirty Towns only that had the notice. Before Mr. Jones came away all they gave their Consents for their Coming, but Notice was still sent on farther. And they say that they like the English better than the French, and that they will stand by the English as long as they have one left alive. There was some of the Caupahauches and the Hulbaumors came with them. The Choctaws are all amazed to see the Creeks drink as they do, and they think the Creeks are saucy to the white People. The Choctaw King thinks they are obliged to the white People and thinks they cannot do enough for the white People especially the English. And since they have been here there has not one of them been disguished in Liquor or any ways saucy upon any Account. They have been here 21 Days for Mr. Causton thought it proper to send for Col. Bull and that was the Reason of their being Detained so long here. Govr. Johnson has sent for them to come to Carolina but Thomas Jones was not willing they should go to Carolina for fear of disobliging your Honour, and as he was sent for them for the Colony he did not Care they should go any where else. Your Honour’s Name is spread very much amongst them and they say that when your Honour comes back to Georgia they will be bound to raise a thousand or two at your Honour’s Command if desired, and they design to leave the French entirely and then they will come down and pay their Respects to You, and to Govr. Johnson if your Honour desires they should go to Carolina but not without your Honour’s Consent. Mr. Thos. Jones does insist of the Trade amongst the Choctaws as your Honour did promise him, and the Choctaws have so very great Respect and Value for Mr. Jones that they had rather have him to trade among them than any body else because he ventured his Life to bring them down to the English.
Honoured Sir, There has been a great Dispute about the Lot that You was pleased to give the Grant of to Thomas Jones, and since You have given it to Mr. Parker Gent. and since to me. Jones is returned home. He finds he had lost it so there has been a Court Business about it, for Mr. Jones does insist upon that very Lot or else none; and the Court has considered upon it and was so good as to give it to him again. The Colony is in good health and I hope your Honour and all your family is in good health and my Husband is the same, and I beg your Honour will take great Care of him, he being in a strange place and not able to take Care of himself and to send him home as soon as possible.37 Capt. Mackay is not gone up as yet to the Creeks nor I do not know when he will. The Indians has expected him these three months ago. The Talloopose King has made great Complaints of the French building Forts amongst them and they did not know where or who to go to so they came to see if the English would protect them.
Isaac Chardon to James Oglethorpe, Aug. 1, 1734, Charles Town, Egmont 14200, pp. 223-224, concerning a visit of some Choctaw Indians to Savannah.
I have since my last unto the Honble. Trustees of the 6th last month rec’d Advice from Mr. Thomas Causton that Thomas Jones who went to the Choctaw Nation arrived at Georgia on the 1st July last with one of the Chief men amongst them and six other Warriors representg. five Towns, and with them came several of the Upper Creeks who were neve there before that greatly assisted Mr. Jones in this Affair.
The Choctaws seemed very much rejoyced at their good fortune in falling under your Protection and they made very heavy Complaints of their ill Usage by the French who Starved them for want of Trade and Surrounded them with their Forts.
Mr. Causton received them very graciously and in the best manner he could suitable to the Occasion, well knowing what benefit it would be to the British Interest and therefore did not spare to make them such Presents as were most necessary, the greatest part of which he purchased at Musgroves’. The Honble. Col. [William] Bull was there at the time and furnished him with his best Advice, the Indians are since all returned. I Suppose the Col. will give You a more just and particular Detail thereof. They are all in good Health at Georgia for we have had good Seasons and daily fresh Showers of Rain which has very much contributed to the making our Summer so moderate as it has been. I hope that You are very hearty and in good health. You have my best Wishes for a Continuance thereof.
[P. S.] 2d. August. I rec’d a Letter from Mr. Causton this day with an Accot. of some Spaniards & Indians coming to drown the Settlemts. but I refer You to our Gazette for the Particulars.
Thomas Penn to James Oglethorpe, Aug. 4, 1734, Philadelphia, Egmont 14200, p. 227, concerning aid and good wishes for Georgia.
I had the pleasure of receiving thy Letter from Charles Town dated the 12th of April but I have not seen any thing of the two Letters thou mentions.
The Account thou gives of Georgia seems to forebode its Success and indeed from the great pains thou hast taken there can be no room to doubt it unless the Climate should disagree with the People. I wish You may find the Prohibition of Rum not disserviceable. Most of the Colonies on the Continent are indeed in the use of it to a very great Excess, but I am from frequent Observation well assured that the moderate use of it mixed with Water in the very hottest Weather is very necessary.
The Sloop thou mentions did not arrive here till lately when I ordered some Flour, Bread and Butter, of which last Mr. Van Reck told me there was great Scarcity, to be Shipped to the Care of Isaac Chardon and that it may be known whether the Account sent You is right I enclose thee a Copy of the Invoice.
If I can be of any use to the Colony here my Endeavours shall never be wanting, or to thy self of which I had some hopes of assuring thee here, pray lay thy Commands on.
Samuel Eveleigh to James Oglethorpe, Aug. 5, 1734, South Carolina, Egmont 14200, pp. 231-234, concerning Spanish and Indians to the south and too many Negroes in South Carolina.
By our Gazette of Saturday last I am informed that four Spaniards and Seven Indians were met with on St. Simons by our friendly Indians who enquiring what business they had there declared it was on the Crown’s Affairs in Search of Settlements. From whence I am apprehensive that their Design was to Settle and infort themselves at the mouth of the Alatamaha River and You may remember that I was fearfull before You went hence that the Spaniards would do some such thing. You may also remember that I told You that I have been informed that the French about 14 Years ago had a Design of settling that River which was discovered by Sr. Martin Bladen when he was in France.
If the Spaniards or French should make a Settlement and erect a Fort there they soon would erect a Fort up at the Forks so called because the Oakmulgy and Ocony Rivers meet at that place where the name of that River is altered to that of Alatamaha.
If the Spaniards should get that place and infort themselves it would intirely put a Stop to all our Trade with the Creeks, Chickesaws or Choctaws both from Carolina and Georgia. For I am informed ‘tis but 35 miles from the Forke (to which place it’s navigable for Pettiauguas) up to the fording place in the lower Path on the Ocony and Oakmulgy Rivers at which most of our Traders pass to go to the Creeks.
For the above Reasons I think it adviseable that Orders be immediately given to build a good Fort at the mouth of that River, and according to my former Proposals I will immediately build a Fort at the Forks and place in it Seven Soldiers and mount Eight Guns two on each Flanker and keep it constantly provided with Arms, Ammunition and Provisions; the Fort shall be built as strong and good but not so large as Fort Moore on Savannah River at my own Cost and Charges.
I propose that Mr. Musgrove shall be concern’d l/3d part therein and I have in my Eye a very proper Person who is a sober carefull man and has been a long time acquainted with the Indian Trade and Traders to be concerned another third & my self the other third. All which I shall do on this Condition that we have the Sole Trade of that River both above and below it with the Indians, the Creek, Chickesaw and other Traders for 3 or 5 Years.
If the Trustees agree to my Proposals I have ordered Mr. Samuel Baker the Bearer hereof to send me eight great Guns about one hundred and quarter each being of the Size or weight of those I think are at Fort Moore, and I will engage in the same immediately as soon as I receive your Directions.
I have desired Mr. Baker to discourse with You on this Subject and to agree with the Trustees, which Agreement I shall stand to but must observe that I think five years to be as short a time as can be expected considering the Charge we shall be at and I don’t doubt but that the Trade shall be carried on with more Satisfaction to the Indians and greater Security to Carolina & Georgia and hope You’ll not expect any thing for Licences since the Trustees will be at no Charge for this Fort.
I have prevailed with most of the Merchants of this place except those concerned in the Negroe Trade to write home to their Correspondents in London to joyn together in a Petition to the King in Council and to pray that Orders may be sent over to His Excellency to pass a Law to prohibit the Importation of Negroes for three Years which I think is highly, nay absolutely, necessary. Here is lately arrived in less than a months time three Ships from Guinea with upwards of Six hundred and fifty Negroes and there is several other Vessels more expected and I do believe the Number that may arrive will be very considerable because the Vessels that went last year to the West Indies from Guinea made generally speaking looseing Voyages and those that came here made profitable ones.
I take notice both from the English Prints & those from the Northward that the Negroes at the Jersays have attempted an Insurrection and we have abundant more reason to fear on that Accot. when we have ten Negroes to their one.
Here is a Gentleman lately arrived from the North Side of Jamaica in order to buy a Settlemt. and remove himself and family upon that very Account, he tells me they are there very apprehensive of a General Rising. The Planters of this Country are very considerably in Debt and should such a Law be permitted they would soon extricate themselves out of it.
Mr. Day, Clifford and several others have sold and are about selling their Plantations and design to carry off their Negroes to Cape Fear, to which place abundance of our Planters are already gone, and I am sensible that the Reason of their so doing is chiefly owing to the Quantity of Negroes that have been imported.
I lately moved this Affair to the Governor who seemed mightily pleased therewith & thought it was the best thing that could be done for the Good of this Province. I have talk’d with some of the Council on the same Head and they are of the same Opinion and do earnestly entreat You that You would use your best endeavours that an Instruction to that purpose may be immediately sent over from the King to His Governour, and I doubt not but it would here pass notwithstanding the Opposition that may be made against it by the Negroe Factors and their Friends.
Three Days since arrived Capt. Craigg from London and has brought an Accot. that a Person Supposed to be Humes had printed Articles and delivered them to the Lords against the Governor; and I am told by a Person that has seen them that several of them are false and that an Answer may easily be made wherein he levels his Artillery solely against him and that in it are several malicious Insinuations. I am afraid to add least I should tire You so conclude.
Patrick Mackay to the Trustees, Aug. 10, 1734, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, p. 16, concerning equipment and supplies for his company of rangers.
Since my last I have been in the Country to the first of this Month bringing up horses for your Service, where I might continue twise as long before I could find Such a Number of horses, & fitt for present Service, as I wanted, had not one of the Cherokee traders dyed whose gang I bought up. I found neither the Numbers or prices Mr Oglethorp allowed me would doe, So was obliged to advance in both & took of Jenys & Baker £ 599 Currency, more as the 620 I had an Order for. How soon I can find time to Copie over the Accompt, you Shall Know the Number & prices of the horses.
Had I not been frequently advised by the Lieutenant that most of the Company38 had been Sickly ever Since I left them, & yt himself had received a dangerous wound in the body from a Cane, Cutting a Path from Josephstown to the post road, by which he was Confined when he wrote me ye 20th of last Month. I say had I not received Such reports from the Company, I would have been Still more chagreen’d than I am, at the Stop I mett with here, after being So long & unexpectedly detain’d in the Country. Its incredible what difficulty I had for these ten days past to find 1000 wtt powder & 2000 lead in all this place; tho’ Mr Eveleigh, (to whom I told when I arrived from Georgia in June, that the publict Store there could not Spair me Such a quantity of powder & bullot,) promised to Supply me. I scarcely believe I left 1000 wtt lead behind.
This day the periagua39 Saild wt the presents &c for which according to orders I gave recepts to Mr Eveleigh, & Munday the 12th I sett out with the horses for Palachocola. In my way I hope to meet wt one Prestoc that I purpose to hire as linguister. Daniel Savage haveing refused all the Offers I could make him, & Jehue Barton who I seed at his plantation on Cambahe river in my way hither, asking no less than £ 35 per Month & 2 horses; wages I could not think of allowing him, till I found I could not be other ways Serv’d.
My nixt will be from the Palachocola’s.
Samuel Eveleigh to James Oglethorpe, Aug. 12, 1734, South Carolina, C.O. 5/636, pp. 12-13, giving an account of affairs in Georgia, especially the Indian trade.
Inclosed You have your Acct as it stood when you departed this Province. Ballance in your favour was then £ 649. 1. 6 as likewise an Acct of Sundry’s delivered Captn Patrick Mackay for Provisions for himself & Men Amounting to £ 100 Sterling or £ 725 this Currency.40 You have likewise another Acct of Sundry’s delivered Said Mackay for Presents to the Indians Amounting to £ 2287. 17. 6. One Hundred Wt Bullets I had of Messrs Jenys & Baker which they said they would Pass to Your Debit themselves but after I had Settled the Acct wth Mr Mackay they then charg’d em, to me. So You’l find ‘em charg’d Accordingly in the Account Currt inclosed; the Ballance thereof being £ 2372. 16. 5 for which I have drawn on the trustees a Bill of Exchange for £ 327. 5. 8 Sterling of this date Payable to Mr Saml Baker ten days after Sight Which I doubt not will find due Honour.
I have delivered Mr Mackay for the Provisions but £ 362. 10. but have given him my Promisary note on demand for the remainder and have writ to my store keeper at Savanna Town41 to deliver Mr Mackay whatever goods he shall Write for.
We found a great deale of dificulty to get the Quantity of Bullets and Powder (there not being a Sufficiency at Georgia to Supply him therewith).
The Presents are Extraordinary Good & hope they will have the desired Effect.
Mr Mackay has had a great deale of trouble in getting horses; the Goods are gon two days Since to the Pallachocola’s42 by water, and Mr Mackay proposes to Morrow to go by land & meet them.
The Choctaw Indians have been at Georgia wth Jones43 and as I am inform’d went away Very well Satisfied.
I was yesterday at Mr Amatis’s Garden44 which I found Clean and in good order. He has Sowed a great quantity of Mulberry Seeds and believes he shall have One Hundred thousand trees. The Grape Vines there flourishes Extraordinary well.
I heare that you are Chosen Member of Paliament for Haslemere on wch Acct I Congratulate you and hope by that means you’l be Serviceable both to this place and Georgia.
Here is a dismal Accots from New York Province & Jamaica dureing the Government of the late Mr Hunter. Certainly we are here Very Happy in a Governour if we did not know our own happyness.
Here is Still great talks of a Warr. In Such a case tis absolutely Necessary that we should have as early advice as possible. I have been inform’d by a Gentleman that was in Martineco when the last Warr was Proclaim’d, which was the Same day it was Proclaim’d at Parris, I heare that there was no less than thirty Sail of Sloopes ready to push from thence as Privateer’s and I am Senceable we are more Dangerously Scituated should a Warr happen than any other Place.
I Remember I formerly told you that I had read Proposals for intercepting the Spanish Galleons. I believe tis Near Thirty Years Since so I cant remember much of it yet as farr as I can I will again inform you. The Rendevouze of our fleet was to be at Port Royal and to keep themselves in readyness. There was two Nimble Sloopes to be Employ’d. They were to Cruise off the Havanna, one to Windward and the other to Leeward and in the Night time to go ashoar and take a prisoner and from him or them to be inform’d of the time the Galleons were to Sail so to return to Port Royal & give an Account thereof. When they found the Galleons were ready the fleet were to go out and place themselves at due distance on the Bahama Bank, but whither to lay by or at an Anchor I can’t say. At that place the Gulph is Narrowest and almost impossible for the fleet to go by without being Disern’d.
I was two nights ago in Company wth Captn Barns who was lately at Georgia and went in there in the Night time & he tells me that a Hundred Sail of Men of Warr may ride Securely behind Tybe an does believe that there is no less than twenty four foot at low Water.
Richard Woodward to Patrick Mackay, Aug. 16, 1734, Beaufort, S.C., C.O. 5/636, pp. 70-71, concerning Daniel Savage’s refusal to be linguister for Mackay. Enclosed with Mackay to Oglethorpe, Nov. 20, 1734.
Yours of the 4th Instant Came to hand, but being from home when the man brought it mist that Opportunity of Answering the Same, he goeing away Imediatly. I have According to your Request Spoke to Mr Savage, in Regard of goeing up wth you as Linguister to the Creeks, and Told him Everything that you wrote me, and perswaded him all that Lay in my power, but to Little purpose as youll find and Told what advantage it would be to him, but as I take him to be no Soloman, he would here to nothing, no further, then he Told me that he Would not goe under Eighty pounds per month and Could get nothing Else out of him. Neither Could I perswade him to meet you at Georgia, withought I would promiss to See him paid at the Rate of £ 80 per month as beforementiond. I cant Imagin how Mr Oglethorpe Could pitch on Such a Thick Scull Bitch of a Fellow as this is, to goe as Linguester. I thinck I never met wth the fellow to him, to make Short of him he Swore he would not go.
In my Oppinion you ought get a much propper a man at Savanah Town or amongst the Creeks. I wish you a Safe and pleasant Journey to Your fort, and hope you may meet wth all the Incouragmt & Suckcess in Trade you possible Can Desire.
Samuel Eveleigh to James Oglethorpe, Aug. 21, 1734, South Carolina, C.O. 5/636, p. 14, giving an account of trade with Pennsylvania, the current rice crop, and slaves from Africa.
Above is Copy of my last per Capt Povey45 who stil waites for a faire wind. Yesterday arrived three vessells from Philadelphia one of them is fully laded with flower bread &c. as a present from Mr. Penn46 to the province of Georgia, to which place the Sloope is bound and the Brigga has some goods in upon ye same Account. And I am informed that he designes a £ 1000 sterling to be shipt in presents to said place by degrees. The master of sd vessells gives an account that they have had Extraodinary Cropts of wheate pease &ca not only there but in all the Northern Collinies.
Much rain has fallen here within this 4 or 5 dayes after a long spel of dry weather which has don some damage to our rice; however tis Concluded that we shall make this Year 60 or 70 thourand barriells. Had ye rains fallen 14 days sooner tis believed we should have made a greate maney thoushand bbs more.
About a fortnight Since Mess Jeneys & Baker made sale of 340 slaves out of Capt Mcnut and the groce sale as I am informed Came out to £ 175 per head, So that my Calculation was modest. And four dayes since arrived Capt Gordon 30 dayes from Gambo [Gambia] with 200 and od slaves Consigned to the same Gent and doubt not but theyle sel for as much if. not more. The Capt informs me that he attempted to get Some gum from ye windward Coast but was drove awaye by a French Man of Warr. And he informs me that three or 4 large ships laded at Gore & have on board nigh 400 slaves Each bound to Missipi.
Mr McCaye [MacKay] went out of Town two dayes after my last letter in order to Carrey his horses to the Pallacholous. I wish him success.
William Dalmas47 to James Oglethorpe, Aug. 23, 1734, Skidaway Island, C.O. 5/639, p. 19, Egmont, 14200, p. 235, asking for a servant and describing Skidaway’s defenses.
At yr departure from this place You was so good as to procure me a Servant, wch I have not Yet recieved, nor endeed can hear any thing for certain off. I think it My Duty to acquaint You with it, it being a very great hardship upon Me in My weak Condition to be without one. I most Humbly begg yt you would be so good as to give directions yt He may be procured or some other in His Stead. All our Setlement is in tolorable good Health, but have been a litle alarm’d with a report of 50, or 60, Spaniards & Spanish Indians being Seen in a Boat on our frontier to ye Southward, wch made me assist & give directions to our People in erecting a Square redoubt upon our Point, with an Intrenchmt on ye Inside, & a possee without. We have 4 Swivell & a Carriage Gun Mounted wch both comands ye River & the Aproaches to our Hutts, So that if any thing Should hapen I do not in ye least doubt but we Shall be able to Stand a good argument against a farr Superiour Number. I can’t help but take notice that we were but Six to carry on the aforesaid work, ye rest refusing to do any thing without being paid for it. You may issure Yr Self that I shall make it My Chief Study to deserve the favours that You have all ready bestow’d upon Me, & begg yt You would believe me with ye Utermost Gratitude.
Mayeux de Lormaison to Benjamin [?] Godin, Aug. 28, 1734, New Orleans, C.O. 5/637, pp. 209-210, containing a request to Godin, a Charles Town merchant, about the cost of a vessel Lormaison desired to buy. [The editors have not included this letter because it has no connection with Georgia.]
William Bateman48 to [?], Sept. 3, 1734, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 21-22, Egmont 14200, pp. 239-240, giving a favorable description of Savannah’s progress contrary to the malicious lies spread by Carolinians.
I made Bold to write to you from Charles Towne South Carolina. I there took the Liberty to acquaint you of what the People of that Towne spoke Concerning Georgia. I at the same time told you I hoped and did not doubt but I should be able to give you a quite different Description of Georgia than what those People strove so much to make not only me But every Person believe concerning this place. There could be no description of any Place (without the malice of Hell it self) be made so dismall as the People of that Towne endeavor to make Georgia. Tho’ in short a Person may soon see thro’ their Artifice and that it is fear only of the great Progress that has already been made in Georgia in so short A space of time will greatly damage their Trade and force them to be more Industrious and more Diligent than what they really are at Present. For of all the places I have ever yet been at I never see the Inhabitants, so indolent, so Proud, nor so malicious as themselves.
I Arrivd here on Wesnesday the 28th of last month (I thank God in good Health as is at Present the whole Colony) when instead of finding what I heard at Charles Towne I found more ground Cleard, more Houses Built and in a more Regular manner then it was Possible for me to Conceive or Believe, more especially when I Consider the short space of time it has been entred on, and that the Majority of the People were not before used to any hard Labour. They tell me that all America never could Boast the like before and I have reason to believe it; And that Philadelphia was 10 or 12 years before it could boast of such a Towne as Georgia is at Present.
As for a further Description of the Place your Honnour has had it by far better hands than myself. It stands on a High hill which they call here A Bluff, Scituate on a fine River. The soil, as far as I am Capable of discerning extraordinary good, and see no Doubt but in a short time All The worthy Gentlemen the Trustees will have the Pleasure of seeing their Laudable and Generous undertakings Answer greater and sooner then they could reasonably expect. Which God Almight of his Infinite goodness Grant.
I delivered the Letter Your Honr was Pleasd to Favour me with, to Mr Causton the Gentleman that Acts in Mr Oglethorps Absence. I had one also from Mr Leigh which I deliverd also. He never made mention to me about the Contents of them, But has used me very courteous and Civill. My Man run away from me at Charles Towne, So Mr Causton says I can have but a Private Lot at Present, and which will indeed be enough now I am without a Servant. I Chose a Country Lot and am going to settle at a Place calld Hampsted about 4 miles out of Towne.
If there should be any little Place Your Honour should think me Capable of in Savannah, I Hope and Trust your Honr will think of me, and hope You will allways Think me as I Really Am.
Isaac King Clarke49 to the Trustees, Sept. 3, 1734, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 22-24, Egmont 14200, pp. 243-244, complaining of conditions in Georgia and asking for help in his condition.
I hope Yor Honrs will excuse the freedom I have taken in writing which is to inform You that sev’ral matters relating to my self are so disagreeable that I hope your Honrs will consider of an Amendment.
I am oblig’d to attend the Guard upon all occasions, to mount Guard, to do Day Duty, to releeve Guard &c, and those Days I am upon Duty there are so many Complaints made against me to Mr Causton (for not attending the sick) that ‘tis intollerable.
It was agreed that a House should be built for my attendance on the Sick for one whole Year, and ever since I have been here I have been in a Hutt which is so expos’d that I have nothing left but what is rotten & spoil’d. I have mention’d the building sev’ral times to Mr Causton whose answer was generally this, or to the like effect, viz. Wee have so many things to be done for ye Publick that it can’t be gon about, or that he expects Sawyers from Charles Town and then he’ll see what’s to be done. Ever sinc my arrival here either my self, Wife, or Servt have been ill occasion’d by laying wett, ye ill consequences of which wee daily find, and according to a moderate Estimate, with what Monies I have rec’d and the injuries I have sustained 280 pounds this Currency will not excuse me.
It was order’d that Mr Watkins50 of Abercorne shou’d not Practice here in Town that I might reap such small advantages as might accrue by such Persons as come on their own Accot as I had the fatiegue of the Town. Here is now no less than Seven or Eight Professors to Physick,51 all which assume a Prerogative very much to my detriment without any contradiction from Mr Causton. There are besides these many complaints too tedious for Yr Honrs perusal.
I hope Gentlemen you will take into Consideration my present Condition.
‘Tis a great hardship to be subject to ye Guard and tax’d with omission of Duty.
‘Tis a greater hardship to be expos’d to ye injuries of Weather in which not only (that which is most dear) Health is concern’d, but what I brought with me here is rotten and spoil’d both of which will render me incapable of any Performance I am by agreement to do.
‘Tis a hardship that Others shou’d be sufferd to incroach on that which might tend to my future Support, for I am to have no Pecuniary satisfaction for my trouble exclusive of a House which is not to this day begun.
Honble Gentlemen my request is this, that an Amendment may be made to what precedes, or that you wou’d grant leave for my return to England. If what I object against cannot be obtain’d I will willingly resign my right to any thing here, and if I have done any thing worthy of Merrit to ye Colony, ‘tis at yor Honrs Service. I humbly beg pardon for my prolixity, and hope Yor Honrs will excuse this trouble given You.
Jenys and Baker to the Trustees, Sept. 6, 1734, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, pp. 25-26, Egmont 14200, pp. 251-252, giving particulars of the aid set up by the South Carolina Assembly to Georgia.
The Honble James Oglethorpe Esqr before he left this Province empowered and authoriz’d us, to receive for accot. of the Honourable the Trustees for Establishing the Colony of Georgia in America, the Duty of 3d per Gallon on Rum, granted for the Speedier relief of his Majesty’s Subjects of Georgia, by an Act of the General Assembly of this Province. And pursuant thereto, we have received from the Publick Treasurer and account of the Dutys for two Quarters, ending the first of June last, amounting to the Sum of £ 921. 19. 9. for which we shall Credit the Trustees for accot of the Independent Company [Rangers], pursuant to the Direction of Mr Oglethorpe, by whose order we have open’d an account for the said Company; and shall out of the Duty on Rum, duely pay such orders. Mr Causton shall draw on us for the use of that Company, according to the written order given us the 3d of may last by Mr Oglethorpe, by whose orders and Mr Causton’s, we have already laid out, and paid the Sum of £ 987, 19. 8, as per accot of particulars inclosed.
We have pursuant to Mr Oglethorpe’s order paid Captain Patrick Mackay £ 620 for purchasing of Horses for the Colony of Georgia, and delivered to him, Eighteen Colours, being presents for the Creek Towns, which are three more than Mr Oglethorpe had any Account of. But Mr Wiggan a Principal Trader among those Indians assured us there was that Number of Chief Towns, and we having received directions a get a Flagg for the Several Towns, order’d that Number to be made, the Cost of which, together with Tick for Tents you find in the Inclosed accot.
We have also paid Captain Mackay £ 599, which he also has laid out in Horses having been oblig’d to purchase more, and at a higher Price than Mr Oglethorpe calculated, of which he Promised to send a Particular Accot by the Amoretta, for what we’ve Supplyed him with; his receipt is inclosed, being £ 1219.
For the Amount of Your accot Currt herewith sent, we drew on you the 5th Instant, in favour of Messrs Paul Fisher & Thomas Jenys for £ 238. 9. 8 at £ 600 Advance persuant to Mr Oglethorpe’s order. By our last advice the Colony of Georgia was in good Health; Captn Mackay is we Suppose now on the Road to the Creeks, who have for some time been expecting a beloved Man with Presents from Your Colony. We shall be very glad to receive Your Commands, and proud to Serve your new Settlement.
Jenys and Baker to James Oglethorpe, Sept. 6, 1734, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, pp. 27-28, Egmont 14200, pp. 247-248, informing him of affairs in the Indian country and of Mackay’s dealings with the Creeks.
This accompanys our letter to the Trustees, with our Several Accounts and advice of our having drawn on them for £ 238.9. 8 for particulars of which we referr you to those Gentlemen.
We have this day Settled with Col Parris for the Duty of Rum, for the two first Quarters ending the 1st June, particulars of which we have also transmitted the Trustees.
The Cherokees not having yet made any Submission to this Government for their Several Insults ot our Traders, no one is yet Permitted to carry any Goods to that Nation; who being attack’d from Several Quarters, & in want of Amunition, will we Suppose very shortly apply to us for a Supply, and desire a Trade with us.
Mr Wiggan in June last inform’ Us, that the Creeks expected a beloved Man from your Colony, that Capt Mackay would be very kindly received in that Nation, and that Silk Colours would be a very acceptable Present to the Several Chief Towns. Our P. Jenys told him, that you had order’d fifteen to be made, which he said were not enough, that there would be an Occasion of at least Eighteen, on which we gave Directions for that Number, knowing ‘twas your design, that each principal Town should have One. You have by this time heard of the Success [Thomas] Jones met with among the Creek Towns; which we congratulate you on, and doubt not that your Colony will by prudent Management draw them from the French. The French Soldiers at the Albama Fort52 are poorly paid, and very inclinable to desert. But of this, no doubt Captain Mackay, will after he has been some time, in the upper Creeks give the Trustees, a full and perfect Accot. By our last from him, we conclude he’s now on his Journey. He found much difficulty to get men and Horses, which much retarded him, and if a Cherokee Trader had not dyed in our Settlements on his Road to Town, who had some good Horses at Goose-creek, which on his Death were for Sale, and which Mackay afterwards bought; We believe he would have been provided to this Day. And those Tho he bought them as they were apprais’d, exceeded Your Price; but of this, He, himself has, (we believe) advised you, (as he promised us) he should.
It gives us the Utmost concern to advise you, that Captain Phips, with whom he had agreed to Send your Canoe, was, on Accot of the Crankness of his Ship, obliged to disappoint us, and Since you sailed, there has not been a Vessel capable of Carrying her. We’ve us’d our best Endeavour to send her, and to no Purpose offered Twenty Guyneas for the Freight of her; She’s so long that very few Vessels that use this Trade can carry her.
Isaac Chardon to the Trustees, Sept. 20, 1734, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, p. 29, giving account of £ 152,15. 8 drawn on the Trustees’ account.
I have of this days date drawn upon you a Sett of Bills Exchange for One hundred and fifty Two pounds fifteen Shills and Eight pence half penny Ster. payble unto Coll. Alexander Parris Or Order which he pleased to honour. It is the ballance of his Account for the hire of his Boats for the use of the Colony.
Isaac Chardon to the Trustees, Sept. 28, 1734, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, p. 31, commenting on Georgia’s healthy state and saying that accounts will be transmitted later.
This comes to you (Via Winyaw) but this opportunity being very uncertain, & not knowing whether the Vessell is still there, that was bound for London, about 3 Weeks ago, I shall only acquaint you that your Colony have possess’d, and do still keep, their Health most bravely. (But at Purrysbourge their Neighbours) they are in a miserable condition, being much Afflicted with Feavours & Empty Stomachs, and yet we have the most plentifull Crops now, that has happen’d perhaps this Ten Years past, for Grain and Roots.
I would have sent you Your Accounts by this occasion, but fearing to be disapointed, shall stay and transmitt them to you, by Two Vessells which will Sail hence for some of the English Ports in Ten days, or thereabouts, at which time I shall Begg leave to draw upon you for the Ballance in favour of Mr Peter Simonds.
N.B. The 20th Inst I drew upon you in favour of Coll Alexander Parris for £ 152. 15. 8½ Ster. for Pettyagua hire.
The Bearers of this Mr Barsabas Sympson & Sarah his Wife were Recommended to me by Mr Viner, & Capt. Richardson of this Country as persons Desirous of goeing over to ye New Colony of Georgia. They are Both Descended from ye Clergy, & are Recomended by several worthy Clergymen of this County. He Sayes he has about 80 lbs worth in Money & Effects, & is willing to go upon his own foot. I have Advis’d him to take 3 Servants, in which Case he will be entitled to 150 Acres of Land. If he has yr Approbation, & that of ye Board of Trustees, he will think it a great Advantage to go over with ye Indian Kings, if it can be permitted him.
John West55 to James Oglethorpe, Oct. 12, 1734, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 37-38, Egmont 14200, p. 255, expressing his gratitude at being allowed to settle in Georgia and praying that he could return to England and bring his relations over.
I have mad bould to trobell your Honnor with thes Leattor to a quaint you that wee are All in a good State of helth. Wee have nott bureyed three of our pepell for thes Seaverall months past. The pepell was all in genorell veary much reejoysed to heare that your Honnor was Seaufe arifed in Englan. The most of our pepell are Vearey indosttros & goos on Vearey well with thayor belding & Colteyvating [cultivating] thayor Lands. And as to my own part I have my health heare beattor than Ever I had in England, & Soo Sayes a maney more. I know nott hoow too Expreas my Self with gratitud a nofe [enough] to your Honnor & the reast of ye Honnorobell & worthey gentlemen the trosttees for the grate faver Doon me to Send me heare wheare I ingoye [enjoy] both pease & Plentey. Our gard Hous is feneshed [finished] & is vearey tite. Thare is a Strong fortt belt round itt & 13 guns mounted beefore itt. Wee have had no Shepe arived heare Since your Honnor Left us, butt we are in Expecktasion Everey Day thow. We want for nothing but to See Some of our mesorobell [miserable] Contorey [country] men Com & jngoye [enjoy] thayor freedom & teast of ye Comforts we now ingoye [enjoy]. This is all att preasent.
P. S. If your Honnor pleas to give me Lebortey [Liberty] I thenck if I Leve to Come for England in ye Spreng to Setell som besnes with my releasions in ordor to reetorn Vearey soone.
Elisha Dobree56 to the Trustees, Oct. 17, 1734, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 33-34, Egmont 14200, pp. 263-265, proposing commercial schemes for Georgia.
My lords & Gentlemen
I have taken the Freedom (this day) to write you on my private Affairrs. I shall now begin on the publick.
My Study is Continually how & wch way I can promote the good of the Colony & Considering the present Circumstances of the Inhabitants I most humbly Lay at your feet the Following Proposal.
That I am Inform’d by Mr Foord the Deputy Surveyor who has made great discoveries on this Coast, that he has found where one of the Largest Men of War could come not far from this Town at Low Water. Much more Easyer might a Large Pink Such as were Employ’d by the South Sea Company for the Greenland Trade. Such Large Vessels require but few men & draws but little Water by reason of their built.
Such being freighted by Your Honourable Board might Carry a greater Number of Passangers & proper English Goods &c. of little Value & Cumberson, easier than commonly is done by Ships bound for this place or Carolina. And as for Returns They might carry the Largest Mast, a great Quantity of our best Timber at a Cheaper freight than any other Ships to pay from 40/ to £ 3. 5 Stg per Ton. As from Carolina it would not be worth while for us to Send White Oak Cedar Cypress or Live Oak & hardly to afford for Red Bays Laurel or Green Yallow Wood. But its my humble Oppinion that Your Honourable Board could afford us Freight in Such Large Vessells at 20/ to 25 or 30/ per Ton & Loose nothing by it; but rather get a Profit thereby, if dispatched Imediately.
By this means it would be a great Encouragement for us to Clear our Lands Seeing that the Clearing of them would be overpaid by the Net produce of the Timber.
One thing more I have to propose is this that most, I may Say all, the people here wants Servants Especially to Cut their Timber & Clear their Land. If your Honble Board or any of your Friends would Supply us with a Certain Number of them (for a Servitude for 4 years) delivered free to us of all Charges but to pay for each at the rate of Four pounds Sterling per Annum to be paid Monthly or Quarterly to prevent arrears, this would be more easy to the People than buying Servants at £ 10 Stg ready money down. This would Enable the Freeholders to go on briskly in Clearing their Lands & Cultivating the Same for it does not yet appear to me what great Improvement One man by himself Can do in Such a Forest as this is & its out of their power to buy any Servants.
The Profit gained by these Servants might Enable Your Honl board to Transport hither many Distress’d Families in England.
Supose 2500 Servants were thus brought to this Colony, I take it that their Passage &c. in large Ships as I have mentioned would not amount to above £57 Stg & to gain £ 4 Stg per Ann on each (except Deaths &c.) would produce £ 16 Stg on each Servant & thereby Amount to £ 40,000 Stg Clear of all Charges £58 Net proceed.
1st This would be a Large Sum gain’d either by private persons in Case your Honle board Did not think to be Concern’d therein.
2dly & be very Advantageous to Vagabonds Idle Vagrants &c who would be put in a way to Live in plenty & wth Expectation of Lands after their Servitude.
4tly It would be of vast Service to the people here in Cultivating their Lands &c.
5tly It would be to the whole Kingdom of Great Britain for as much if this province Succeeds in Dying Stuffs, Vines, Olives & Silks, & Pot-ashes (wch last some is making) the Less demand there will be from Foreigners who take few or none of the produce or manufacture of Great Britain. Whereas as this Colony Encreases in Number of people & Riches will have all their wants from Europe Supplyd by Great Britain even by those very people who were before a burthen to the Nation.
I most humbly & respectfully beg pardon for the Freedom I take for wch I can give no other reason than the Earnest desire I have to See this Colony flourish & prosper.
I wish that as in our Humane Bodies God placed every one for the Use of the whole, that all of us would have the Same Regard for its usefulness & wth the Same Union as Every one Member of Human Bodies Acts for the Support & benefit of the whole. However (tho others there be and too many) that are Unconcern’d at their own or the publick Welfare, I will by all possible means Act for the Interest & Benefit of both & Leave the Issue & Success to God.
Elisha Dobree to the Trustees, Oct. 17, 1734, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 35-36, Egmont 14200, pp. 259-261, proposing the planting of hemp, flax, vines, mulberries, olives, and provision crops, and asking that the Trustees help send his family from London.
My lords & Gentlemen.
Mr Causton & I talking the other day we both agreed in our Oppinion that Madder59 would grow well in this Province, Especially in our Swamps or moist Lands, of wch we have Enough.
As I am resolv’d to try whether Madder will grow here I humbly beg that your Honble Board would be pleased to procure me the Root or Seed from Holland & to order that care may be had that it may be Sound, well pack’d & taken care off in the passage. I have about an Acre fit & will be ready for it against its Arrival, & if it Succeeds Shall find more land for that purpose.
I will also try a Small Spot of ground for Hemp & Flax. I have about Two Acres ready for Vines, Mulberries & Olives. I only wants the Seeds & plants wch Mr Amatis tells me heell not be ready to deliver me this year.
I have put few Limes Seeds to try if theyll produce here, tho I have no very great hopes of em.
As for Oranges Mr Eveleigh of Charles Town has promised me to help me wth many wch together with the help of other friends hope to raise up a Nursery of 1000 Trees to plant in my 45 Acres, wch I have reason to think may as well produce as those in Carolina Especially in Charles Town, where a good Tre produce about 5 St. per Ann.
I find the people here backward in planting, wch far from discouraging me prompts me to go forward in hopes of Reaping the Benefit of my Industry by Profit (tho not Imediatly) & the Approbation of mankind & Especially of Your Honourable Board who as Fathers are pleased to See that their Adopted Sons are Industrious. And it may be that my Example may Induce & prompt Drones to rouse themselves & Improve the Blessing that God has put into their hands.
Most of the people here have been sadly afflicted with a Sort of an Itch & boils. I thought it might perhaps be occasioned or at Least increased by eating Salt Beef without greens or Roots. I have therefore Sowed & planted about 2 Acres of Cabage Seeds & Cabage plants Salett, Onions, Turneps, Carrots, Spinage, Leeks &c, That any Family in the Colony may be Supplyd therewith at a reasonable price. The Seeds from your Store proving bad, I have been obligd to write to Old Savanah Town, Port Royal, & Charles Town for fresh Seeds & even to Philadelphia.
I cannot help observing that Mr Eveleigh was very well pleased with my Garden & found it to be the very best private garden in the Colony. Tho but a Wood three Months Since, I have many Seeds coming up & a House built thereon by my Servants where they Live & are at hand to guard ye Same from Theives of wch we have too many here. As it is but three quarters of a Mile from the Town Its a pleasure to walk there & give proper & sutable Directions.
I beg your Honnle board Assistance to my poor Family in London in Such a manner as may bring them quickly here. For tho with the Blessing of God I may do well & prosper yet, at present its not in my power to help them. Every thing being taken from me I am obliged to hire Lots of others. The Rent thereof a Gardner’s wages & paling 5 Acres draws all the money & Credit I can at present raise, but I hope it may not be Long before I do reap Some Small Profit. However in the mean time they may be great Sufferers. I dread to receive Letters from them. If your Honle board would please to Advance them any money sufficient to Enable them to come to me I will readily pay it to whom you please to order. A few Servants with’em would be of great Service to me, wch I humbly Leave to your Generous Consideration.
I am now preparing Staves, Hoops, Red Bays & yallow Wood (or rather Green Yallow Wood) for Charles Town & London. I hope to be the first Merchant Adventurer from this Province of its produce Tho wth a trifle.
[P.S.] My Family may be heard of at Mrs Horn in Love Court Love Lane Aldermanbury London.
I begin to have Small Consignments on my Acct from Charles Town but the Credit is very Short, & money very Scarce here.
Mr. Eveleigh being lately come here from Charles Town for a Large demand he had on Mr Watson ye Indian Trader, the Same was agreed to be put to ye Arbitration of Mr Fallowfield & mySelf, wch we determined in two days to the Seeming Satisfaction of both parties.
Samuel Eveleigh to James Oglethorpe, Oct. 19, 1734, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, pp. 252-254, Egmont 14200, pp. 267-272, giving his report on a recent trip to Georgia.
The Inclosed Letter was designed You by Capt Taylor Who Sail’d So Suddingly that I could not gett it on Board. Since which I have been informed of Severall persons, that came indebted into this Province That have paid their Original debts (being considerable Sums) and wch they (in reason) could not be Expected to do, had they tarried in England.
On Thursday the third of this Instant I went on Board in A Canoe, at Six of the Clock in the Morning, with a fair Gale of Wind, and Stopping for the Tide at Bear Bluff, Otter Island and Port Royall about seven Hours, I arrived in the Mouth of Savannah River about Six of the Clock on Fryday Evening, being the Shortest Passage that has Yet Ever been made that I can hear of. But looseing our Way it was next morning before wee could gett to Savannah, Where I was very handsomely received and treated by Mr Causton and the Other Gent of that place, being invited Every day to Dinner by one or the others. When I first came ashore they told me, that when ever I saw a Chimney to House, I may depend, that it did or does belong to a Widdow. And Seeing Some Gentlemen at a Distance with laced Hatts on, I askt who they were. They told me they were Scotch Men; for that no other wore laced Hatts (but the Gentn of that Nation) on that Bluff.
I found a great alteration Every way for the better, from what it was, when I was last there.
There are about fourscore Houses built and forty more goeing forward besides Severall Additions makeing to their former Ones. [James] Muir is building a two Storey house, joyning to his former One and Mr [John] West (they Say) designs to build a House.
A Single House letts out for fifteen pounds Sterlg per Annum, and One five Acre Lott, for five Pounds of the Like money.
While I was there was the Quarter Sessions, When appeared a Great many Gentlemen, being Summon’d as Grand jury Men from all parts of the Settlement, to Whom Mr Caustin gave a very handsome Charge and then proceeded to business. Where Causes were try’d (and in my Judgement) very impartially, without the Jargon or the confused Quirks of the Lawyer’s and without any Cost or Charges, and Yet (in my Opinion) consonant to reason and Equity, wch I take to be the foundation of all Laws.
It’s true there were Some person’s, Who did complain but that is common with Such who have lost their Causes.
Mr Caustin has there a great deal of Buissness, and is very much fateagued from Morning till Night, by the Impertinances of Some people, and who Seem to Exclaim against him tho’ I believe without a Cause.
The Irish Convicts give him a great deal of Disturbance. They are constantly playing their Roguish Tricks, Stealing from their Masters and carrying the Goods to Some Others, wch gives him trouble, for he punishes both the Thief and the Receiver. Tis the General Vogue; That the buying of these Convicts, was the worst Action you did whilst there, and the Opinion is as General, That you did it with a good design.
Watson has been drunk almost ever Since You went away. I was credibly informed, that he has been so three Weeks Successively. But yet whilst I was there He kept himself Sober, Especially in the day Time. He rails very much against you, myself and the whole Province of Georgia, and Says He has Seen the Ruin of two New Collonys and doubts not but he Shall see the Third. He kept Sky [Skee] drunk in his Store for fortnight together, and when he went away, publickly said, That he had done his bussness for him, and he dyed Soon after.
This came to the Ears of Stitchee, Who came to Yamecraw with a design to kill him, but he made his Escape, by breaking thro the End of his Store, and he in his Rage killed Justice, Musgroves Slave, and Still persists in his resolution of killing Watson (if he can find him).
Mr Causton has had a difficult Card to play, [I] do believe hee’l do Musgrove, mySelf and Watson too Justice, But is resolved Either by fair or foul means to drive Watson off the Bluff. For it will be of ill and very dangerous Consequence, if he should be killed by Indians.
I carried down with me Some Liquorish and Hops Roots, and gave them to Mr Amathist, with directions to plant them, as I had advised. And the first place I went to See with him was the publick Garden, But could not find that any of the Coffee Berries, Date Stones and Colloquintida Seeds, which I sent down Sometime agoe had been planted.
The Orange and Mulberry Trees, Sent from Town, look very well, and Mr Amathist had Sowne all along the Fence next to the Town, above Six foot deep with white Mulberry Seeds, wch came up very thick, and doubt but there will be one hundred thousand Trees if not more.
I went also down to See the Brickmakers, where I found made about One hundred thousand, and the Workmen tell me, that they doubt not, but by March they shall have three hundred thousand. And they expect their Chimneys up to all their Houses by Christmas.
The people there Seem to be dissatisfy’d That they have not Liberty of getting Negroes. I could wish the Trustees would Oblidge them in this two Points, and as the Latter to Limmit it to Two of a family.
I went down to Thunderbolt wch I found to be a place very pleasantly Scituated, and Where Mr Ethrington [Joseph Hetherington] and [Roger] Lacey had made very considerable Improvements, considering the Time they had been there. They have built their Houses; Erected a good Fort and Guns mounted thereon that commanded the Criek, also cleared fenced and planted a good quantity of Land with Corn, pease Rice &ca and were cleareing and fencing more Land Against next Year.
I went with Mr Lacey down to his House where he designed to make pottash, wch I found to be in very good Order. The fatts fixed and the Receivers under them, a Pump also that conveyed water into the Fatts by a Spout; A Kittle to boil the Lixivium into a Consistency, and an Oven to bake it in well fixed also. And he Seems very possitive, That He can make very good Pottash. He designs this or the next Week to begin his Work, Haveing a Quantity of Ashes by him, and has promised to Send some down to me as Soon as it is made, which I shall Send to You. Here I had a Sight of Skideway Where are Ten familys Settled, But was informed they were discouraged from makeing Improvements, because they had no Title to their Lands.
This Place is Eight Miles Distance from the Mouth of Wassaw River, against which lies little Tybee, and has been lately Surveyed by Mr [Christopher] Ford, Who told me that he could bring a Vessell into A Place of Security, thro a Channel where there was four foot and an half at Low Water. And there is one place between that and Thunderbolt, where there was but three and an half fathom at Low Water. But at High Water could bring up to Thunderbolt almost any Man of Warr Where the Vessell would be Entirely Land lockt Haveing Willmotton and other Islands to Secure it, and which place is Exeraordinary fitt and Convenient for Creaning of Men of Warr; there being four fathom and an half Water, within Sixty foot from low Water Mark. The Bluff is right up and down, and in the Channel there is Nine fathome.
At the Savannah I met with Tom Jones, Who told me that the Chocktaws were very well pleased with the prsents made them by Mr Caustin, and that he was in hopes of getting them remove up to the Cohawhabee Hatchee or Petticah Hatchee being forty and Six Miles from the Coosah River. He tells me that he was very credibly informed, That the french were sending up Eighty or an Hundred Men to the Albama Fort, With a design to build three Forts on the White Ground (as they call it) Haveing lately purchased that Land of the Indians.
The Euchees have lost three of their Nation lately and two wounded, about nine Miles from the Parracholes fort, but by Whom is uncertain, Whether it be the Yamesees or the Cricks. But there are nine men gone out from thence to make a Discovery.
Wee had this Week an Account, That the Cherrokees to the Number of Sixty were comeing down, and it’s Supposed they may be now at Capt Russells.
The Scotch have built a fort at Sterling’s, and have cleared (as I have been informed) a good Quantity of Land, at the places I have already menconed. Together with Fort Arguile, Abicorne, Hempstead and other Settlements, and will in my Opinion Securely defend Savannah Town from any Surprize, Where, I was informed were no less than Six or Seven hundred persons.
Comeing back Homewards I touch’t one Night at Port Royal to see Mr McCoy [MacKay?] Who has been Extreamly ill, but is at prsent much better, and designs in a Short Time to proceed. But his Horses are at present very poor, four of which were drowned as he went over The River. I arrived upon Wednesday the Sixteenth Current.
In the foregoeing you have an Acct of what Observacons I made, whilst at Georgia, Wherein I omitted to informe you, That upon my Arrival there, I found the people to be in good health and so have been all this Summer.
I heard Mr Quinsey preach two very good Sermons, but the place was but indifferent. However are in Hopes of a New Church being built Speedily.
I am Sensible That you may have had more perfect Accompts from some other people. So that if you intend to Imprint what I have wrote, You may alter or omitt as you think fitt. I confess I have been Somewhat large, But knowing your Affections for those people to be great, is that which induced me to it, and hope will be Acceptable.
Yesterday arrived Capt Sandwell from London, and Capt Loyd appeared off the Barr, Sent in his Lieutenant, who informs me That they were on board the James Capt Yoakley off of Georgia Who had Seventy Passengers on Board, and Saw him goe in that River.
P.S. In my former Letter instead of being the Bohemia it should have been the Abrmany Bank. And about a Musquett Shott from Thunderbolt fort, is as fine a Spring of fresh Water, as I have tasted this long Time.
Isaac Chardon to the Trustees, Oct. 24, 1734, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, pp. 32, 39-40, Egmont 14200, p. 275, sending accounts and news of Uchee Indian murders.
According to my last of the 28th Sepr. I do herewith send you the Accounts of what has been disburs’d for the use of the Colony of Georgia for these last Six Months Ending the 24th Sept. The Ballance in my favour being £ 1012.4.2 Sterlg and I have agreably thereto drawn upon you for that Sum Payable unto Messrs. Peter & J. C. Simonds a Sett of Bills bearing date with the said Accounts, which I hope you will be pleased to Honour and Debit me therewith. I shall be Obliged to draw upon you again in a few days for moneys Disbursed since for Provisions &c.
I have lately been informed by Capt. Macpherson of the Palachuculaw fort, that on the 28th Sept. upon Ogechee River was kill’d, three of the Uchee Indians, Two Women and one Man. This Murther is supposed to be committed by some of the Yamasees and Spaniards. Mr Causton doubtless will inform you more particularly thereof when he writes. I expected to have sent you his Account of disbursments by this opportunity, but I suppose that he has not finished them yet.
[P.S.] Capt Yoakley arriv’d at the Colony last Week.
The following Accounts are Inclosed
Esqr. Penns Acct flour &ca
Paul Amatis’s two Accounts
Alexr Parris Treasr his Acct
Endorsed, Octobr 28. 1734
This Serves to Advise you that I have this day drawn upon you payble unto Mr francis Watts a Sett of Bills of Exchr for forty Eight pounds Sterl wch be pleased to honr and Charge to the Account of Isaac Chardon.
Isaac Chardon to James Oglethorpe, Oct. 26, 1734, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, pp. 41-42, Egmont 14200, pp. 279-280, sending accounts, telling of post between Savannah and Charleston, Indian murders, and James Carwell.
Of the 24 Inst I wrote to the rest of the honble Trustees and at the Same time I Sent all the Accounts which I hope will prove right and Agreable. The ballance is in my favour £ 1012 Ster .4.2 which I desire Should be paid unto Mr Peter & I C Simond and Make no Doubt but my drafts will meet with due honour.
All the news Which I have now to Acquaint is that we have Again Settled and fixed a Post Man and as there is a great many traders from hence to Georgia so well as those that resides there, Mr Causton has thought proper to fix a Postage on the Letters for Encouragement to the man and to make it the More Easy for people to Convey their Letters. All persons who have any to Send Carrys them to the Box at the Georgia & Purrysbourg Coffee house here.
Capt McPherson informed me that on ye 28 Septr. Last upon Ogeechee river there was Kill’d three Uchee Indians, two of them Women and One Man. He Supposes them to be Yamasees & Spaniards that has committed those Hostilities for to revenge themselves of the like that the Uchees Served them in June Last pretty far to the Southward, McPherson was at Georgia when this Happen’d.
I have Credited James Carwell One of the first men that Came to Georgia to Encourage him. He bought his dry goods here in Town of whome he pleased, and I paid for them to the Value of £ 205 our Currency, and he has Since made Shift to convert them all into Wett and Drunk them up. He Ought if he had the Least Gratitude to have Drank my health Since that is all I could Expect for my Mony.
As there is nothing further that Offers at Present, I beg leave to Assure you that I am with the Utmost respect possible.
P. S. I Just now receivd A Letter of The 21 from Mr Causton Who Confirm me of the Safe Arrivall of Capt Yoakley at Georgia with 60 passengers for Purrysbourge but there is no Other News.
John Lyndall to James Oglethorpe, Oct. 29, 1734, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 43-44, telling of David Montagut’s arrival and housing.
I Reed your orders by Mr Mountagut60 to put him and his family into the hous wherein you lodged.
I must therefore beg leave to acquaint you that about the beginning of September Mr Amatis came up from Charles Town with his Servants and in your honours name, demanded the hous, for him Self and family. I asked Mr Caustons advice who Said it was your order, I immeadiately delivered the things belonging to your honour, into Mr Caustons Care by an invoice of Mr Brownfields writeing, with which I received them.
I had hardly time to pack up my own few trifles before I was obliged to take up my lodgings in my own lot tho then Exposed to the open air.
As Soon as I recd your letter I went to Mr Causton who immeadiately had Mr Amatis dislodged and the hous prepared for the Reseption of Mr Mountagut.
These and all others of your honours orders I Shall think my Self happy to comply with.
[P.S.] Since your honours departure I have imployed myself in Sawing very much against my will, for my mind is Still bent upon Planting but the Surveyor hath not run any more of my land than the town lot.
J. Stanley to Benjamin Martyn, Oct. 29, 1734, Liverpool, C.O. 5/636, pp. 4-5, giving an account of monies for Georgia from Liverpool.
On the other side you will see a Merchant’s bill for the money we had in our hands, and indeed a little more; for I have advanced, besides my collection at Preston, 15s of my own in order to make up the sum £ 100. The other 50 £ I have before said You will receive from our members of Parlt, being Corporation-money. I must desire you will please to give us Your receipt for this money as soon as the bill is accepted, and in the mean time a line that the bill is come to hand by the return of the Post.
In Your last You did not expressly say whether those that go upon Charity shall have the same encouragement as those who bear their own charges, which I shou’d be glad to know. As also about what time our people here must prepare to come up, and whether they will be provided with tools of husbandry. When I know this I will send You their names &c.
Endorsed - 2 Nov. 1734.
Left Bill with Mr. Boileau to be accepted. Is done.
Wrote to Mr. Stanley the 9th. acquainting him therewith. Desired a list of the Contribs. making the 100 £ answer’d his Inquiry abt. Persons going on the Charity & at their own Expence. Referr’d the Consideration of the Liverpoole People to be sent till the Parliament sitts when the Trustees would speak with the Liverpoole Members abt. it.
Samuel Eveleigh [?] to [?],61 Oct. 30, 1734, South Carolina, C.O. 5/636, pp. 45-46, Egmont 14200, pp. 283-286, concerning items which may be produced in South Carolina and Georgia.
In Obedience to their Lordships Commands, transmitted to me by You, to Inquire what further Encouragements may be necessary to engage the Inhabitants of this Province, to apply their Industry to the Cultivation of Naval Stores of all Kinds, and likewise of Such other Products as may be proper for this Soil and Climate, That do not interfere with the Trade and Product of Great Brittain. I have duly considered thereof, and taken the Advice of Such Others as I thought capable.
Hemp.…The General Assembly of this Province did the last Sessions pass A Law Whereby they gave unto Mr Richd Hall One hundred pounds Sterlg per Annum, and sent him to Holland to procure two hundred bushells of Hemp seed, and Twenty bushells of flax Seed. But was so unfortunate as to Ship the Said Seeds on board of Capt Paul, who stay’d so long in London, and afterwards detained Nine Weeks in the Channell by Contrary Winds, that he did not arrive here till the fifteenth day of May, too late (as it was found by Experience) to plant the Same. And it is generaly concluded that the Seed is Spoilt. But the Assembly meets the next Month, When I shall Streniously recommend the Affair of Hemp to their Consideracon, and to Send to Philadelphia and New York to procure Seed for that Purpose. The Said Mr Hall is Obliged by the Law, to instruct our Planters to manure cultivate and manage Hemp till it is fitt for the Markett, for wch he is Extreamly well quallified. The Law that now Subsists in Great Brittain, That allow’s A Bounty on the Importaton of Hemp, expires in a few Years Time and if the Parliament will continue the Same for a longer Term of Years, it would mightily encourage our industruous Planters to proceed thereon wth Vigour.
Flax. … Mr Hall is of Opinion That flax also would do Etraordinary well in this Country, and if a bounty was given thereon, it might much encourage the Propagation thereof.
Live Oak. … Here are Such vast Qtys of live Oak Timber Trees grow in this Province and in his Majties Province of Georgia as is not easily to be conceived. Which Oak by reason of its durableness, crookedness of Growth Suitable to the most difficult Timber’s in building of Man of Warr, is Superior to any English Oak, wch is the Opinion of men of good understanding, whom I have conversed with, particularly of one Berry, who was lately Master when I was in England (if not now) of his Majties Yards in Deptford, Who built a Ship thereof in this Province.
Cypress.…Wee have in this Province a vast quantity of Cypress Timber, almost inexhaustible, Which is extraordinary good and durable, free from Knott’s and very proper (as Men of understanding do affirm) for Decking his Majties Men of Warr, because of it’s durableness and Lightness when dry and Men of Judgement are of Opinion, That it would make very good Masts for His Majties largest Shipps, some of them are five foot thick at the Bottom, and carry a good thickness all along as farr as Eighty feet without Limb or Knott. There are a great many of those Trees, That are thirty Six Inches and upwards thorough and Seventy five feet long; it’s true they grow in deep Swamps, and are very heavy when cutt down green, but being Squared and put upon Logg’s a considerable way from ye Ground, I am informed will grow very light and they may be easily brott out of the Swamp’s in flood time, wch is generally twice or more in a Year. This Timber in mye Opinion deserves yr Consideracon.
Ther’s this great advantage that attends both live Oak and Cypress. The former grows upon Continent and Islands near the Sea, The latter in Swamps adjoyning to fresh Water Rivers, so that there will be but very little Occasion for Cartage. Cyprus Plank I presume to be the best for Lineing between decks, because it won’t Splinter as your Oak will, which Splinters in the time of engagement does more damage than ye bulletts. Wee have not that Quantity of white Oak in this Province as they have to the Northward, but I am informed it is superior in quality. For Capt Austin built a Large Ship for Mr Wragg about twenty Years Since, and the Indian Warr oblidged them to Send to Virginia and Rhode Island for plank, and he informed me That what came from Virga was better than that wch came from Rhode Island and some that he had cutt here was better than Either. I dont mention pitch tar & turpentine because ther’s already a Bounty.
Boards Planks &c.…I have been informed that the Swedes and other Northern Country’s have risen the price of their Boards Plank &c to almost double to what they were Sixty Years Since. But the Distance is so great from this to Great Brittain, and the freight consequently so high that wee can’t pretend to goe thereon, without encouraged by a Premium.
Pot & Pearl. …There is in this Province a Swedish Gentn
Ashes } (who as I am informed) has Sent for a person that understands the makeing of Pottash in order to proceed thereon. And there is now in Georgia a Person that has fixed his Works in order to make Pottash, some of wch will be Speedily Sent home to Mr Oglethorp, who undoubtedly will communicate the Same to their Lordships. And if the Duty of sd Commodity (as comeing from America) be taken off, it will be a great Encouragement for many others to proceed thereon, as also on Pearl Ashes, wch Mr Hall is of opinion may be easily made in this Province.
Druggs. … Here is a Design formeing to introduce (if possible) several valuable Druggs &c from Natolia & Syria and other Places in the Streights. These two Provinces lye pritty near the Latitude of this Place for which Reason those Commoditys may probably be produced here; and if the Parliamt won’t [would] grant Some Encouragement for the importation thereof into Great Brittain, it would quicken and forward the design.
Silk. … Silk is another Comodity which this Country does produce, (as appear’s by divers Samples which have been Sent Home) have been extraordinary well approved of by Men of good understanding in that Commodity. Divers Planters have lately propagated a Considerable Quantity of White Mulberry Trees, and I hope they’l apply Their Industry that Way. And it would be a Great Encouragement if the Parliament would take off the Duty on Importation thereof into Great Brittain.
The Advantages wch Great Brittain has by Experience found by a late Act, that gives us Liberty to Transport our Rice directly to any part of Europe to ye Southward of Cape Finister are So great (as may be plainly made appear) That I doubt not But that His Majty and Parliamt will prolong the Same. And if that Liberty were extended to the Dutch, french & Spanish Islands and Continent in America, it would be an Additional Advantage to Great Brittain.
I begg leave to give my Opinion, That his Majties Settlements on this Continent particularly this Province and the Province of Georgia ought at this Time to be Encouraged; Because I am informed That the French increase very fast at New Orleans and are Extending their Limitts by building fort’s. So that, his Majties Brittish Empire in America is more than one half Surrounded by the French from the Mouth of the River Messasippe to the Mouth of that of St. Lawrence. Nay! further from Moveile to Cape Britton.
Isaac Chardon to the Trustees, Nov. 4, 1734, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, pp. 47-50, inquiring about drafts not honored.
I have Lately received a Letter from the honble James Oglethorpe Esqr bearing date of ye 3 September Last relateing intirely to the Affaires of the Colony of Georgia and Agreably thereto I have wrote him an Answer as ample as I could, unto which I begg leave to refer you. It is certain the Severest Shock that ever I mett with in my Life to hear that my drafts were not honoured. If the Colony had been Broke up, I presume there might have been Some reason to refuse payment but it is very plain Since that worthy Gentns departure that the Colony is Still Subsisting, and therefore they must have been furnished with Necessarys ever Since for to Subsist. If I could not get the Accounts required from Mr Thomas Causton, Store Keeper at Savannah, I think that I am no ways Chargeable with any evil consequence that Might attend it, Especially Since I am not invested with proper Authority to demand them of him. All the Accounts relateing to that part which I transacted are gone home, but I perceive If those Vessels are lost in which I have transmitted them, I must Expect to be lost too, because neither advice nor accounts will appear. I pray you Gentlemen for the future So long as you are pleased to continue me in your Service, to Let me have Such full and Ample directions as the Necessity of the Colony affaires will require that I may not Ignorantly fall into any Errors, that may in any wise prove disagreable unto you or prejudicial to the Said Colony.
Isaac Chardon to James Oglethorpe, Nov. 4, 1734, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, pp. 51-54, about his bills not being honored and supplies for Georgia.
I have recd your Letter of the 3d Sepr 1734 and observe you do not take any notice whether you have reed any of mine which I have wrote you of 25th May & 1st & 12th Augst also several Letters that I wrote to the rest of the Honble Trustees. Altho the Vessells whereby I sent them are arrived; and you have greatly Astonished me when you tell me that the drafts which I have made upon the Honble the Trustees for Establishing the Colony of Georgia you have desired Mr Simonds to keep them in his hands untill advice and Accounts comes from me of Mr Caustons drafts and transactions. (But Mr Simonds actually tells me they would all have been protested, if he had not Honored them) Good Sir you must be Sensible of the Evil consequence that attends Protesting of Bills, unto any Person whatsoever, but more especially to those in Trade; it’s no less than the destruction of his Character and Credit, which is the most valuable and precious Jewell in the World. I never imagined that my fortune and Credit, depending upon Mr Caustons not sending me His Accounts. It does not appear to me by your Orders of the 25th April 1734 that Mr Causton must send me his Accounts, neither do you give me Authority to demand them of him, notwithstanding I have always taken care to write to him for them that I might transmitt them with mine. And if he will not send them, but answer me that he has a multitude of business upon his hands, must my Credit suffer for his delays? You may remember that you have not Specify’d any time in your Orders when I should transmitt the Accounts of what I disbursed for the Colony of Georgia. Therefore I concluded (from the faith and confidence that you and the rest of The Honble Trustees put in me upon Mr Simond’s recommendation) that every six Months was a proper time. And I am still in a very unfortunate condition, if the Vessells should be lost, in whom I have sent all the Accounts, and of course must break, if Mr Simonds does not support my Credit. All these affairs are gone too farr for me now to look back. Therefore I shall still continue to support the Credit of the Colony, by disbursing Cash for to supply their necessities, and leave my self entirely to the Mercy of the Trustees to be ever reimbursed.
You farther mention in your Letter “that for the future when you draw for to satisfy Mr Caustons Orders, that you would send advice, together with Mr Caustons account of the manner in which he employs the money, for which he gives Orders upon you,” so that I must still remain under the same Dilemma as before, or else Mr Causton must send me an Account with every Draft that he makes upon me, or he and I must agree to send our Accounts Quarterly, or every Six Months and then I must draw upon the Trust for the Amount of those accounts at the same time as I send them. I cannot see that there is any other method to be followed. If I pursue your last directions, and I must then be in Advance for that Three or Six Months to send Accounts and draw at the same time, a thing not usual or Customary, and do suppose it to be a matter of indifferency to the Trust, whether I draw upon them immediately when I disburse any money for the Colony, or whether I stay Six Months. But you are very sensible it is not the same to any Person who has not a Stock to comply with such terms. Therefore I hope I shall give no Offence, if I continue to draw as before, for I have always hitherto been in Advance; and you will find by the Accounts, that I never drew for any money, before I had paid the Value thereof here.
In your former instructions you have order’d £ 100 Sterl. for contingencs. There is already several Accidents happened that has taken up the greatest part of that Sum, and there will be no more left for that use without you think it convenient to give further directions.
As you did not think it proper to acquaint me with the Orders and directions, which you left Mr Thomas Causton, it was impossible for me to know whether he comply’d with them or not. However I imagined once from the Orders you gave me, that he trespass’d a little upon his, because he wrote unto Messrs Jenys & Baker for supplies for the Colony of the same Quality as you directed me to Send, which was sent up in the same Pettiagua that I employ’d, and I have his receipt for the same given me by the Patroon of the Boat. Upon which I wrote a Letter to acquaint him with the inconveniences that must attend the Supplying the Colony in that manner, both with the same Provisions. And his answer was, that he had your Orders for so doing, and therefore I was Obliged to Submitt. I have endeavoured by this to sett the Colonys affairs, with regard to myself, in so clear a light as possible; and I do assure you, that so long as I shall be continued with the Honour of your Service, in respect to the Colony or any otherwise, that I will discharge the same, with the utmost fidelity.
George Dunbar62 to the Trustees, Nov. 5, 1734, on board the Prince of Wales, Downs, C.O. 5/636, p. 18, Egmont 14200, p. 287, describing conditions and passengers on the ship.
Our voyage hither was detarded by a profound calme which contenou’d from thirsday till this morning when I thank God we were favour’d with a faire wind and likely to contenow [continue].
The Indian King Queen and the others are well and chearfull (remembering their Inglish benefactors) except the Prince who’s coaid conenous [cold continues?] but was much easier last night than any Since he came on board.
The other passingers Seem pleas’d and are well except Sir Frances Bathorst bad of an oald wound on his Shin & Mrs Fly who’s a litle mended.
Msrs Gordon and Vate63 manage their pople with So much proudence and good Seence that every thing is as orderly as cou’d be expected and I think myself extreamly happy in both.
The only way I can hope to return in any mesure the confidence you have repos’d in and the honour done me is by a due care of the Indians & other passingers, which I do assure you was it conterer [counter] to my inclinations I’d Sacrifis them to the return I owe to so many favours.
When it pleases God I arraive at Georgia I’ll execute your other commands with my outmost indeavours.
Samuel Eveleigh to James Oglethorpe, Nov. 7, 1734, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, pp. 55-56, Egmont 14200, pp. 291-293, defense against the Spanish and removal of South Carolinians to Cape Fear.
My last to you was by Capt Serjeant Via Lancaster wherein I gave you an Accompt of what was most Observable whilst I was at Georgia. But therein omitted to Acquaint you, That I was informed by Mr Causton, that a Spanish Officer and Souldiers had been mett in the Wood’s and do Suppose they had been to view the Place Where Fort Alatomaha64 was built (According to Custome). Upon wch Accot I am apprehensive, That they have a Design to build a fort that way, and in Order to prevent them I am of Opinion it’s necessary, That a fort should be immediately built, And that the indipendant Company may be removed to that Place to garrison the Same.
I am of Opinion you ought to gett leave of his Majty to build the Said Fort or Fort’s on the South Side of that River; For! Should you build it on ye No Side (wch is within the Limitts of Georgia) The Spaniards’ may build on the South side and thereby render the Forts almost useless.
Sr don’t you think it advisable That his Majesty should build a fort on the North Side of ye River St Jeuan, (which River is Thirty Miles distance from St Augustn) in Order to Ascertain the Southern Limitts of His American Empire.
Capt Walker was drove in by Stress of Weather behind the Island of St Simone, Where he observed, in a Small Space of Ground So much live Oak Timber, as was sufficient to build five Hundred Sail of Shipp’s (as he told me) And that too! So near the Water Side, that there was no need of Cartage a Quarter of A Mile.
The Spaniards have of late Year’s built Several fine Ships at ye Havannah, and are now building more. And did they know (as perhaps they do) the Value of the Live Oak Timber that grow’s in those part’s, I believe they’d Struggle hard for it, and could wish that his Majty or the Trustees would Send over two or three Person’s of good Understanding, to view and make Report of the Quantity and Quality of that Timber wch may be had in these two Provinces. And I will at my own Cost and Charge Provide a Boat, Hands and Guide and other Necessary’s to Shew what Quantity’s there are of Sd Timber’s, and am confident the Report I shall make will be very Surprizeing.
I had forgott to acquaint you, That Mr Walker informed me, that whilst he was on the Island of St Simons, He Saw Severall fine Pine Trees (wch would carry thirty Inches through) fitt for Masts.
Yesterday I reced yr acceptable favour of the twenty Seventh of July, and return you my hearty thanks, for what favour’s you have Shewn me in Respect to Sr John Bruce hope, and in a perticular manner, for what Services you have done for this Province And the Governour.
Ther’s one thing I must observe, wch (I am afraid) has not yet been thought of wch will take of a great deal of the blame that may be laid to the Govrs Charge, on Accot of his passing the Appropriation Law. When he arrived here as King’s Governr He found the Province very much in Debt, occasioned by Palmer’s Expedition against St Augustine and Coll Glover’s to the Crick Nation, So that the Governr was under a sort of Necessity of Issueing out more Order’s.
The Taxes of this Province (as I formerly observed) are very great, upon which Account it is, That Several People are leaveing it to goe to Cape Fear.
Mr Clifford and Mr Dry have Sold their Plantacon’s, and have Sent their Negroes away to Cape fear in order to goe there. Mr Wright, Mr Eagle and Some Other’s, have Advertised their Plantations to be sold, for that Purpose; and divers other’s (I am told) will follow them. And I am Sensible, That the Taxes and want of a Sufficient Currency, are the Principal Reason’s, that has induced them so to do. The Governr Some Time Since recd a Letter from Mr Popple, a Coppey of wch he gave me, and desired I would draw out my thought’s thereon, which accordingly I did, and last Week gave it to him, but he was so weak and Low, that he could not consider of it. (What Conditions and Amendments he may make thereto, I can’t tell, but you have inclosed a Coppy thereof.) Please to take Notice, That the Last Paragraph may be made use of as An Argument for continueing the Liberty granted to Rice and the extending of these Limit’s.
I heartily wish you Success on your Undertakeing for the Good of Georgia and this Province.
Beale and Copper to Elisha Dobree, Nov. 9, 1734, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, p. 57, concerning Dobree’s debts.
We duely received yours. And for Answer, We assure you that the Misfortunes which have attended you has given us no small Concern And that We were ever farr from being Enclind to distress any one, Especially Mr Dobree Who We alwayes Esteem’d a Man Justice and honour. And what you had of us was purely to Serve you as such. We are sure upon a Second thought you will think We were Obliged in Justice to our Selves as well as those Gentlemen that Employ us to act as We did When we apprehended that their Intrest was at Stake. And we now further assure you We desire no more than common Justice in coming in with ye Rest your Creditors (proportionably) And hope you will serve us therein. We shall Notwithstanding this affair Be ready to afford any further Assistance in our Power.
Copy of Thomas Causton to Isaac Chardon, Nov. 9, 1734, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 64-65, concerning funds for Georgia. Enclosed with Chardon to Oglethorpe, Nov. 18, 1734.
By my Letters from the Trustees wch came to my hands the Simonds &c. They order me to receive of Mr Jenys such moneys as I have Occasion to pay on their Acct. He having reced Powers from Mr Oglethorpe to Receive moneys for their use. And Consequently forbid me to draw on you any farther till their further Orders. I thought it Proper to Advise you of This, and that I shall Next send you the Totall Account of Cash drawn on you, and the Payments I have made thereby.
I have of this days date drawn upon you a Sett of Bills in favour of Mr John Baker payble for One Hundred pounds Sterling it being for Necessarys to Supply your Colony Which please to honour & Charge to the Account of.
Isaac Chardon to James Oglethorpe, Nov. 18, 1734, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, pp. 62-63, saying that accounts have been sent, his methods of business, and a method to prevent silk worm seeds from hatching.
My last to you was of the 4th Inst and to the rest of the Honble the Trustees, of the same Date, with Duplicates thereof sent since. But before that (upon the 24th October) I transmitted the Colonys Accts by Capt Mcnutt Via Bristoll, & per Capt Ballent Via South Hampton. For want of more suteable oppertunity I embraced those Two, which were the first that offerr’d since the 24th Sept last, and I hope will get safe to their hands very Soon, that my drafts upon them may be Honoured. I am very uneasy that I did not transmitt the accounts sooner, since I find you expected them. For it was the same thing to me, and you must think that I would not by any means have neglected an affair that is like to be of such fatall consequence.
It is a happiness for me that I have Gentlemen of Honour to deal with, which makes me very easy under my present circumstances, and I make no doubt, but everything will go right upon the examing my Accounts, in which I hope you will find no Errors.
I begg leave to inform you of one thing, which perhaps might have slipt your thoughts, in respect to the sending the Accounts or Services for what Sums I drew. Sometimes Mr Causton would send me down a List or Memorandum not of the particulars, but only specifying that he had drawn upon me Several drafts, Amounting to large Sums, which I have often received, a long while before the drafts themselves came. For they were dispers’d about the Province as Current money and you are sensible, that I was Obliged to make provision to answer his drafts, by drawing upon the Trust. This will very plainly appear by my Accounts sent you, and shows that I could not always (when I drew upon the Trust) send an Acct of the Services, for which such drafts were made.
Inclosed I send you a Copy of one of Mr Caustons Letters,65 which will confirm what I wrote you before, that I have not yet got his Accounts.
I have received yours of the 14th Sepr last, and you may depend that I shall observe your directions to a tittle, if I do not misunderstand any of them. To my knowledge I never drew but for the Provissions which I Supplied here, & to pay Mr Paul Amatis’ Accounts for the necessarys required for the Italian family, & for supporting the Nursery to raise plants to be sent to Savannah. All other Sums were to Pay Mr Caustons drafts.
Since your departure I am become acquainted with the method to prevent the Hatching of Silk Worm Seed, or Eggs, to any time I please. I have spoke to Mr Amatis of his Method. Whether he is afraid to divulge any Secret to me upon that Subject, he knows best, but I do not find that he can prevent their Hatching, nor has he made use of means that are any ways like mine. When it will prove Serviceable unto your Colony, I shall acquaint you therewith, if not found out before.
Samuel Eveleigh to James Oglethorpe, Nov. 20, 1734, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, pp. 66-67, 76-77, Egmont 14200, pp. 295-299, concerning South Carolina Indian trade regulations and his desire to move to Georgia and help its development.
I have Several Times formerly been discourseing with Some of Our Assembly Men; Wherein I plainly Shewed them, the Disadvantage that Accrues to Trade & this Province, By the Duty they have put on 6d per Skin at the Exportation and the Charge of the Lycense. By wch mean’s Wee can’t Trade with the Cherrokees & Cattabah’s on Such good Term’s, as those of Virginia doe. Besides our Trader’s are limitted to Town’s, and their Packhorsemen are not to trade (wch the Virginians do). Notwithstanding the Assembly lately mett, and made a Law, which was ratify’d last Saturday, (Inclosed you have a Coppy thereof)66 Wherein they have putt a Duty on all Skin’s and furrs (Light as well as heavy) of Six pence per Skin; And an Addition of fifty one Pounds per Head per Lycenses, wch is a Burthen too great for them to bear.
I Endeavoured, Whilst the Bill was passing to Shew them the Dissadvantage it would be to this Province—That it would drive the whole Trade to Virga Cape Fare [Fear] & Georgia, And for that reason no Law made in this Country could have any Effect there.
I demonstrated that it would be fifty Thousand Pounds or more out of this Provinces way, and do believe it will be as much in the way of Georgia.
This Government (whilst the Indians were down) purchased of them A Neck of Land, (wch you’l find markt with redd in Coll Herberts Draft of the Cherrokee Nation Inclosed). They tell me it’s good Land. But it so happened, There was not one Indian in Town That lived in those parts. So that the purchase is thereby void.
However plausible the introduction of this Act may appear, Yet I can assure you the Design of it was levelled against me and other Person’s concerned in the Trade. And they did Expect to run the Trader’s So that they may take the Indian Trade into a Company. For I can assure you, That the Cherrokee Trader’s (for these Ten Year’s past) have not cleared fifty Pounds per Annum.
There are Six of those Indian Traders are resolved not to take out a Lycense, But will goe and take out their Goods at Savannah Town, and So goe up to the Cherrokees and come down the So Side of Savannah River. And this comes to desire you to apply to the Trustees, That I may have Two hundred and fifty Acres of Land at Kinyan’s Bluff; which is on the So Side of Savannah River aforesd Six Miles above ye Garrison. And That I may have the Liberty to purchase of the Yamecraw Indians Twenty Acres of Land Somewhere by Musgroves Which I design to clear, build a House upon and make Garden’s &c for I do design to goe thither and live.
I have Already wrote to Mr Causton to take on Shoar what Leather [skins] comes down the Savannah River, and on Monday next I shall Send my Young Man to build a Press, carry Screw’s with him and pack my Leather there. And as Mr Sherdone [Chardon ?] Say’s There are Some Vessells expected, which may come here, I’ll put them on Board (if bound for London). For I’me informed, That thereby I may Save both Duty’s (as it won’t be Landed).
If you comply with my request, I desire you’l Signify the Same to Mr Jeffries, for by this conveyance I have ordered him to charter a Vessell from Bristoll and Send her to Milford Haven and there take in what Servant’s and Passenger’s he can get and two hundred bushells of Malt, and See if the Old Brewer can make beer thereof. And I propose to Send down Some more Hopp Roots to Georgia, and will plant ym in my own Garden, and desire you’l Speak to Some Welch Gentn in those parts, to Assist in procureing Passengers and Servants.
Since the passing of that Act I have Spent a great many thoughts how to promote and encourage Georgia, Some of wch I shall communicate to You. I have already Spoak to A Hatter, who has promised to goe down there, and I have promised to Supply him wth Beaver, and all other Necessary’s for his Trade. I shall also endeavour to gett a Cooper, a Shooemaker, A Gold Smith and other Tradesmen, and will Supply them with what ever they shall want to carry on their Trades.
I have a Scooner of about Seventy Ton’s which I will employ to bring in there Rum Shugar Melasses &ca from the West Indies, and probably I may gett another Sloop to goe to Pensilvenia to bring Flower &ca from thence.
There are two Men who lately come from No Carolina, and by my Encouragement are now Settled at a Township up at the Congarees. They are both very carefull and industruous Persons and they design in the Spring to goe back to No Carolina with two Men more. I promised to furnish them with as many good’s as will come to five or Six hundred pounds, with wch they propose to purchase one hundred head of Cattle, and I will Endeavour to persuade them to drive them to Kynian’s Bluff and there to have A Cowpen and Hogg Crawl, and from thence they can Easily drive them down to Georgia.
I am at this juncture considering of a Method to make The ballance of Trade between this and that in the favour of Georgia which doubt not Shall Effect (please God to Spare my life and health). The greatest difficulty that will occur, is, how to Load the Vessells back. But if you can procure a Premium upon live Oak Timber, Pine and Cyprus Board and Plank, I doubt not, but that it will be of vast Advantage, and very much increase Navigation.
I desire you will order Mr Causton to grant Lycenses to the Trader’s, and that you write him (to yt purpose) by the first Oppertunity, That they may be ready by ye time the Trader’s come down, wch will be in Aprill.
The Governour has of late been very much indisposed, and is at prsent in a dangerous Condition. If he should die, I’ll Endeavour to give you the first Account thereof. For I will persuade the Capt to putt my Letter into the first Port he comes to, and to keep the rest till he getts up to London.
I am now to the 3d Decr and have Since the above wrote to Mr Causton and given him an Accot of what our injenious Assembly has been doeing.
I understand the Govr and Council were against passing the Late Act, but the Assembly were So violent and the Govr So Sick, That it was Ratify’d on a Saturday Night after twelve o Clock, and read twice that very day in both Houses.
I Spoak to Mr Middleton last Week on this Affair, who happened at that Time to be out of Town. He told me had he been there He Should have opposed it, And believe (so Soon as the Assembly Sitts again) the Act will be repealed.
If Mr Jeffries Sends me A Vessell to be here the latter End of May next.67 You may have Liberty to putt anything on Board. And I propose to be at Georgia about that Time, and there to continue Two or Three Month’s. I am Still of the Same Opinion and will promote Yr Darling Province of Georga to the Utmost of my Power.
Patrick Mackay to the Trustees, Nov. 20, 1734, Uchie Town, C.O. 5/636, pp. 72-73, Egmont 14200, pp. 303-305, concerning Indian trade and his purchase of horses for his rangers.
But I’m fond I can say we have enter’d so farr as to the Uchie Town on our Journey, and that I waite but for one fair day to leave it Again.
In my first from Charlestown I told you what the Commissioner of the Indian trade for that Province express’d in way of Advice to the Creek traders, against your Agent and what were the Sentiments of the Merchants and most of the Carolina Gentlemen. I in like manner told You to what little purpose I had Complain’d to the Governour, but that I expected a letter from his Excellency to the Creek traders declairing I had been Appointed Agent and to respect me as Such. But as I left Charlestown, his Excellency in a handsome manner shifted [refused] giveing the letter tho I demanded it. And now I beg leave to observe to You, that its to no purpose (I fear) for you to appoint me Agent, without you likewise nominat a Commissioner to grant licences, for the traders only respect the Province that gives the licence. Carolina now finding that by all appearance they will loose the trade to the Creek Nation are become Indifferent how its regulated in the Natione, and by that means they grant licences to every person that demands it, which may be attended with a dangerous consequence, if not timely adverted to. For if too many traders are thrown into the nation of necessity, the One will under Sell the other, and then they’le begin to Cheat, and play tricks with the Indians, and by this means ruine the trade; and may be Incense the Indians to a Rupture. What will much conduce to a Discord is the large quantities of Rum now Imported among the Indians, And wink’d at by Carolina; Since they find they are to loose the Benefite of Their Trade. I advised as many as I see’d of the traders to carry no Rum into the Natione, but they plainly told me without the whole they neither could nor would. For, say they, if we have no rum and our Neighbouring Traders have, the Indians of our towns will lay out none of their Skins, but will travele if it was an hundred Miles to the traders Store that keeps the Rum. Yet all agree that rum is a pernicious thing to be carryed into the Natione, for they Say, they never have discords with the Indians but when the Indians and traders get drunk. And that scarcely its possible to disoblige an Indian if Sober. This I hope You’le take into Consideration, and give timely Instructions for Next Year, before the traders Shall Renew their licences in Carolina. Tho I had no particular Instructiones about it, Yet I ventured to Renew the licenses to the two traders in the Uchie Town, but took noe money from them, as is the practice in the Neighbouring Province.
In my last of 10th Agust I promised to Send you a particular Accompt of the horses I had bought for the Service of the Company and carrying the presents into the Indian Natione. And now You’le please receive it, by which You’le find the £ 1219, I had of Jennys & Baker was exhausted to £ 35.10 which how expended I Shall Accompt.
I shall be glade to have Your orders how I shall Dispose of what horses the Company does not Require.
P.S. Gentlemen, I hope you will pardon the Coarse & Nasty paper, & the indifferent & give allowance for the little conveniences we have here.
Patrick Mackay to James Oglethorpe, Nov. 20, 1734, Uchie Town, C.O. 5/636, pp. 74-75, Egmont 14200, pp. 307-310, concerning the sickness of his rangers and his hopes for the future.
When I wrote my last, I thought I should be able to performe what I had promised in my first, Vizt to be in the Natione, tho not the latter end of Agust yet of September. Yet I mett with Such unexpected Cross Accidents in Carrying the horses from Carolina to this place, as effectually Stop’d me till now. I sett out the 15th of Agust with the horses three Packhorsemen and a Servant I had bought at Charlestown. The first Night the Servant was taken down with fever and Ague, And I was oblidg’d to leave him in Ponpon and have not Seen nor heard of him Since. The 2d Day two of the Packhorsemen were taken so ill with a fever, that they Scarcely could Sitt on horseback. The third day all the three were taken ill, And I was oblidg’d to lye by two days there looking for their recovery. But they Continued so Weak they were of little Use or help to me, So was oblidg’d to hire A Man to Assist me to the Pallachocolas from Ashipoo river. But before I reach’d so farr, I was oblidged to drope two of my Sick men in the path at least ten Miles from Any Settlement, and lost some horses in the Journey and others in July finny Swamp by being weak handed. The 26th day of Agust I got there with most of my horses and Imployed two of Captain Mclntoshes Men to tend them untill my Packhorse men recovered, or that I returned from Savannah with the Company. In the Mean time does the Periagua with the presents arrive, so Stay’d two days more to Unload & Secure her Cargoe, and then I Sett down the River in the Periagua. But when I arriv’d at Josephstown I was truely Confounded to finde my Carpenter and two other white Servants had dyed, All my men either down of the fever or but So Weakly Recover’d the One could not help the Other; and told Leiut Parker lay ill in Savannah, And the Doctor68 Reduced so Weak with fevers that he could not Attend the Men. This was so dull a Schene that I stayed but two Nights there. I went down to Savannah, where I found both the Lieut and Surgeon much worse then I exspected, and the Leiutenant then notifyed to me he would not if in health goe into the Indian Natione, And therefor desired I would look out for any other would Accept of the Commissione. That verry Night I was taken so ill myself with the fever that in less then three hours, as the Doctors told me thereafter, I was delirous, and Continued So Some days. The Delirium then ceas’d, but the fever continued till toward the end of September, and left me reduced to a Skelet. I was advised to go to Port royall for the benefite of fresh provisiones and the Sea Air, and there I relapsed into the fever which held me twenty days more, and was reduced so low that Captain Massies Surgeon (who attended me) dispair’d of my Recovery. However (it pleas’d God) that I got the better of the fever (tho then the Ague Attack’d me) that I pick’d up a little and truely but little Strength, and left Beaufort the last day of October and came to Savannah. This Season has been mighty Sickly all over the Province of Carolina, but few dyed in the Countrey, tho I’me told a good many in Charlestown.
In one of my former letters, I told that Daniel Savage flatly refus’d to go as Linguister, which made me in my way to Charlestown in June last to Call at one John Bartons who, Demanding £ 35 per month I refused, expecting to get one Prestoe, but being disappointed of him likewise, I wrote to Richard Woodward in July to plead with Savage Again, whose Answer,69 to which I beg leave to referr You, will Satisfye You that I was under a Necessity of Complying with Mr Barton. In the time I was at Beaufort I sent twise for John Barton before he would condescend to Come to me, at last he did Come, and finding I had Applyed to Severall others and could finde none, he rose his demand from £ 35 to £ 40 currency, which I was obliged to agree to, and now he goes linguister. But tho he has the Character of being the boldest linguister in the Province of Carolina, Yet I shall keep him no longer then I’ve deliver’d the talk to the Indians, and that I can find one on easier terms. Before I left Josephstown Mr [John] Gray Indian trader in this town who had the Over Sight of the horses and charge of all the goods, advised me, that the horses instead of Improveing continued Still In so low condition that he was affraid they’d Scarcely Some of them travele into the Nation, which with Mr Wiggans Advice (to carry wt me but One half of the Company untill I delivered the talk to the lower Creeks and found thereafter how they relish’d things, or if they’d Agree to build a house for me) made me leave the Leiut and ten men behind. If I find my talk acceptable, and that the lower Creeks will agree to my Staying Among them, I shall return the horses for the Lieutt and his men and to carry up what I must now leave. I confer’d on my return from Port royall with Mr Caustone about a Leiutt and we differ’d in Opinion. I inclin’d for Mr [James] Burnsile [Burnside] at Fort Argyle and he recomended Mr [Adrain] Loyer who once served in the Store, & because Mr Caustone told me he could not be answerable nor would he Allow Any that had a Settlement, to leave it, I contented myself with Mr Loyer, tho its my Opinion he is one, no more of a Warlick disposition then his predecessor. He has Six months pay appointed him, And Mr Parker got the other Six Months. I shall expect fresh Orders before March next, whither I shall continue in the Natione And if I shall keep up the Company, for most of the men I now have are positive to leave the Service, when the twelve months are expired, but if they should I shall Support the Company till further Orders. I hope the Trustees will Appoint Some person as Commissioner to grant licences; Otherways its to no purpose to Send Ane Agent, for I find the traders only respects the Province that Grants the licence.
Nothing now Stops my setting off from here, but the dayly Constant rains. The first fair day we hope in God to enter upon our Journey. In the mean time I beg leave to assure You that it is my outmost desire to Approve myself.
Isaac Chardon to James Oglethorpe, Nov. 23, 1734, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, p. 68, concerning trade to Georgia and his bills being protested.
I here inclosed70 send you the Accounts of what Provision I have Furnished from this and other Places Since the 25th March Last unto the 29th October Last by which you’l see what Quantity of each Sorts have been Suplied & what not. And as to the Quantity Mr Hugh Brian furnished I do Assure you that I advanced him £ 700 the 30th September Last by all which Accounts, it will Appear that I Drew for no money, untill I first Paid the Value thereof here.
P. S. Notwithstanding Mr Simond is so good as to honour my Drafts upon the Trust, it is still in a great Measure hurtfull to my Crediti for People have taken Notice of it here So well as with you.
John Tuckwell to Harman Verelst, Nov. 24, 1734, Wallingford, C.O. 5/636, pp. 6-7, listing nails, blankets, knives, and axes for the Georgia settlers.
I have as above sent you a Bill with a Receipt for ye 9 M 10d nails that you may settle yr Acounts which I should have done Before But Could not speak with Mr. Wells till now about ye Blankets, who is sorry they happned to be too fine for yr. purpose; but will however Reduce them to preaty near ye price you paid for ye Course Sorte by taken of [taking off?] 2/6 a peice so that his Bill is now £ 21. 17. 6 which is sent up this post to his Brother Law Mr. Waller at ye White heart in ye Ould Chainge. I am well pleased the long knives comes preaty near ye mark which we shall be able to complete in ye next [shipment]. The prices I shall Charge are 12d ye small 15d ye Mid and 18d. ye Large knife. The addition to ye handle and allteration in ye payn’t will make no ods. Therfore I think it will be well worth while to send ym from hence, Since as Mr. Oglethorpe informed they were at 5/ value in Carolina. As to ye Axes [in] yt markt, No 1 is ye Same wee have Sent Before Under ye name of Lopping Axes onley Somethinge heaveier. The other No 2 as Mr Oglethorp Observ is made Something longer and heaveier with Some Other little improvements will I doubt not answare ye End and prove as well as those Meade in Newengland. I think I knew what would please verey Well Butt its a Dificall thing to Mack a Workeman Senceable what one Would have By letter So well as if present, which Before see Shall have Ocation for ym I Shall Be thear.
P.S. Pray lett me Know if this Comes to yo free Under this Direction. I Should think it ought to Do Sence Ye [are] Clark to So Maney Members of Parliment. If Not pray Charge it to me.
Lord Harrington71 to the Georgia Trustees, Nov. 26, 1734, Whitehall, C.O. 5/636, p. 8, asking if Swiss families are to be sent to Georgia.
You have inclosed herewith an Extract of a Letter which I have received from His Majesty’s Ambassador at the Hague, relating to a number of Swiss Familys who are coming over hither in order to proceed to the West Indies. You will please to acquaint me, for his Majesty’s Information, whether You have any Intention of conveying these People to the Colony of Georgia, that in case You have not any thoughts of that Kind, the King may consider in time what may be proper to be done with them upon their Arrival in this Kingdom.
Extract of a letter from Horatio Walpole72 to Lord Harrington, Nov. 30 N.S., 1734, The Hague, C. O. 5/636, p. 10, enclosed with Harrington to the Georgia Trustees, Nov. 26, 1734, warning that a number of Swiss families were embarking for England.
There are fifty Familys of Protestant Swizzers come to Rotterdam out of the Canton of Zurich, with a design to go over to England and to be from thence transported to the English Plantations, and I dont hear that they have had any particular Invitation, or made any Agreement with any body for that Voyage, and they are destitute of all Subsistance and Means, besides their own Craft and Industry, to get their Living, or to carry them forward. I have been spoken to about them, but as I have no Orders upon this head, I have absolutely refused to concern my self any ways in the Affair. In the mean time I find, they are at present supported by the Charity of the Magistrat’s & Burghers of Rotterdam, and as they are determined not to continue here, but by a sort of Enthusiasm seem resolved to proceed to ye West Indies, and as they have since their Arrival very much ingratiated themselves into the Good Will of this People, I am told, that a Collection will privately be made for them, to enable them to transport themselves into England, with which I thought fit to acquaint Your Lordship, that it may be considered what is to be done with them upon their Arrival there.
Robert Millar73 to the Trustees, Dec. 10, 1734, Kingston, Jamaica, C.O. 5 /636, pp. 80-81, Egmont 14200, pp. 311-313, concerning his search for plants in South and Central America.
May it Please your Honours
I embarked at Gravesend on ye 19th of May According to the Orders I Received from the Common Council to Proceed on My Voyage to Jamaica Wher I arrived on the 25th of July. I went nixt Morning to Doctor Cochran’s and Demanded the Observations Made in Botany by Doctor William Houston together with the Collection of Dryed Plants Which was left in his hands. He told me he had Sent them all home already by one Mr Houston Surgeon a Relation of the Deceased Doctor William Houston and ther was now nothing in his Possession but a Parcell of Books Wc he would only be accountable for to the heirs & Executors of his Deceased freind.
I waited afterward on Mr Prather the South Sea Company’s agent here who Immediately Give me Liberty to go Passenger to any Place on the Continent Where we had factories. And at that Time he hired the very Vessel in which I came from England to go to Portobello, I embraced that Opportunity and arrived there on the 30th of August. After a Short Stay at Portobello I went to Panama by way of the River Chagre, wch goes up within Six Leagues of that City. I had a tedious Passage by Reason of the Great Current wch alwise Runs down into the North Sea. After My arrival at Panama I made a Particular Inquiry into the Trees wch yield’s the Jesuits Bark and the Balsam Fern, wch are the only two Drugs brought from thence. The former is a large Tree growing wild in the Mountains about 10 days Journey from Lima. There is 3 different Sorts of it one with a White flower the 2d with a Purple and the 3d with a Red Colour. The bark of the Trees Differing as Much in the Colour, as the flower, but as the two first are not so good as the latter they export none else.
The Balsam Fern is falsly Called So, for most of that wch is made use of at Panama, and all wch is exported from thence is the Balsam of a Tree growing Wild in the Mountains in Niauragua, Which is of a Mutch finer Colour and Consistence than what Come’s from Fern.
Both these Valuable Drugs might have been Cultivated in our Plantations long before now had ther been any Gentlemen of the least Curiosity in any of our factories of Panama or Portobello. I have used the outmost of My Endeavour to the Purchasing them and to perswade the Gentlemen of the factories to use thers. Several Spanish Gentlemen who goes to each of these Places yearly have Promised to procure for me Some Seeds, Plants, and Specimens of Both Trees, as also the Chief factor of Panama has Promised to Send them to Jamaica.
During My Stay on that Side of the Continent I made a little Voyage to the Island of Tobago wch is about 7 or 8 Leagues from Panama, Wher I found the Contrayerva74 and with a great deal of Pleasure I now acquaint your Honours of having a Dozen of Plants alive at this Present of them, and in very good Order.
I have made as good a Collection of Specimens of Plants and Seeds as the Season of the Year and My Time would allow of, it being then Winter when I was there, all wch I have Sent to Mr Miller at Chelsea. Ther being at Present no Vessel going to Carolina from this Place, I thought it the Mutch Better way to Send them Directly to him that he might forward them for Georgia as he can never want an Opportunity from London.
I would Willingly have stayed longer both at Panama and Portobello to have examined these feild’s more narrowly, But the Rainy Season being Sett in at Both these Places I found I could do but little. And then Considering the Different Places your Honours has Ordered me to go to and the Shortness of time allotted me I thought I had stayed My full Proportion of it there. So the Vessel in wch I came being ready to Sail I was obliged to Make the Best of My Way down to Portobello, and the Road being So very bad with the Rains that had fallen I Returned the Same way wch I went up. We Embarked at Portobello on the 3d of Nov. and arrived here on the 29th where I shal stay till an Opportunity offers of Going to Carthagena75 to enquire after the Ipecacuauna and the Balsam Capivi. These Drugs being the Produce of that Country I have Reason to hope of being more Successfull in this Voyage than I have been in My last, Concerning Which This is all I thought worth acquainting your Honours of.