The Journal of
Peter Gordon
1732–1735

As the setling of Colony’s has in all ages been esteemed a prudent, and praise worthy undertaking, so we find from many instances in history that they have often been attended with the success that such noble and generous undertakings deserved. Nor is it at all to be wondered at, that the Roman Colony’s succeeded so greatly as they did, when we consider them, first, as a people unaquainted with the many vices, which are at this time, but too fashionable and generall; and almost strangers to luxury and profussion of living. Besides the Romans were a people little aquainted with traffick, and as yet arts and sciences hade made but a small progress amongst them, so that their minds were wholly bent upon improveing and cultivating their lands, as the only means they hade for their subsistance, nor hade as yet their governours any self interested views of raising private fortunes, and by that means prostituting justice, and oppressing the people to accomplish their base and unworthy ends. But on the contrary, laboured in common with the meanest, for their daily subsistance, which glorious example could not faile to inspire the breast of ever’y Roman to labour, and that with the utmost chearfulness.

This was the state of the Colony’s in those dayes, and to which was owing the great progress and figure they made in the world. The case now is certainly very different, because the people generally used in setling our moderne Colony’s are a people who have either by misfortunes, or ill conduct, been reduced from plenty to a state of indigency and want. Or they are the idle and abandoned part of mankind, who were ever strangers to labour and industry, and who are always ready to enter upon any undertaking where they can be supplyed with a year’s provissions, their darling idleness idulg’d for some part of that time, and their minds puffed up with mighty hopes and expectations of success. But alass when they enter upon the scene of action and feel the many hardships and difficulty’s, such undertakings must for ever be attended with, their industrious resolutions are intirely defeated, and they beginn to wish themselves in any other place and if that cannot be accomplish’d, they return like a dog to his vomite, to gratify those vicious habits of idleness and drinking, which brought them to that unhappy state before. Thus farr I thought necessary to say of Colony’s in generall and shall now proceed to the particulars of Georgia.

I. Plan and Purpose for Settling Georgia

His Majesty having by his Royall Charter granted that tract of land lying between the rivers, Savanah and Altamaha, and now distinguished by the name of Georgia; to be setled and erected into a Colony and for that purpose hade approved of Trustees for carrying the project into execution. Nothing could be more conducive to the sucess of the undertaking than the choise that was made of so many worthy patriots, men distinguished for their extensive charity and benevolences to mankind to conduct and cary on the work. And who as a proof of their being intirely disinterested in the undertaking, hade at their own requestes bound themselves and their successors by the sd: Charter from receiving any benefite, what-so-ever from the sd. Colony.

The trustees, for so we must now call them, in order to be enabled to cary on so great a work, found it necessary to prepare the minds of the people for their charitable contributions, by publishing some account of their designs,¹ and sometime after, reasons for establishing said Colony.² Wherein was represented the excelence of the climate, the fruitfulness of the land, and the great plenty of all good things with which the country abounded, and likewise the great advantage the nation in generall would reap from such a setlemt. which was capable by that amount of producing silk and wine in such quantities, that in a short time there was the greatest reason to believe, would be able to answear our consumption, and by that means save to the nation imence sums of mony that is yearly laid out in forreign countries, for those commodities. And that at so small an expence as twenty pounds, an unfortunate family might not only be transported thither, but also put in a condition of supporting afterwards, and making a provission for posterity. Some other accounts, particularly one by Coll. Pury³ was published about that time, wherein it was represented as the Land of Promise, overflowing with the abundance of all good things necesary and desirable for the comfortable support of life, and those to be obtained with half the labour, industry and application, that is required here for the lowest subsistance. Many were led into errors by this falacious account which has been found by experience to have very litle truth, for its foundation, seem’d to be calculated only to answear the Coll’ private views; however, those accounts excited the curiosity and desire of great numbers of unfortunate people, to apply to the Trustees, to be of the number of those who should be sent in the first imbarkation, yet not withstanding the beautifull prospect that things cary’d by the accounts that were published, and the necesitious circumstances of those that applyed to the Trustees to be sent over. There were some thinking men amongst the number, who were unwilling to engage in the affair, before they were informed of the tenure by which they were to hold their lands, and of severall other circumstances relating to the Governement Consititution of the intended Colony.

To the first of which they were told by the Trustees that no larger quantity thane fifty acres was to be given to any one persone sent over and assisted with a years provissions at the publick expence. Nor any quantity exceeding five hundred acres to any persone that should goe at their own expence to setle there, and cary with them the number of servants to occupy the land as is requir’d by their grant. That their lands were lyable to severall forfeitures, and that in case of dying without male issue their lands were to revert to the Trustees. This gave occassion, to one of the people, who hade engaged to goe over in the first imbarkation, to represent to the Trustees, that as he hade only one child and that a daughter he could by no means think of going upon those terms, alledging that his daughter being equally dear to him as a sone, he could never enjoy eny peace of mind, for the apprehension of dying there, and leaving his child, destitute and unprovided for, not having a right to inherite or posses any part of his reall estate, or the improvements that he hade made upon it either by industry or expending the litle substance he hade brought from England with him for that purpose.

The Trustees, in consequence of this objection were pleased to indulge the first imbarkation, with the priviledge of nominating their heirs, male or female, related, or otherwise. This condesention of the Trustees, removed many of the difficulties, that were started by the first imbarkation, with regard to themselves. Tho there still remain’d great uneasiness amongst them, with regard to their posterity. For tho the Trustees hade given them the priviledge of naming their successors; yet as that was to be no law, and regarded only the first setlers they consider’d that their posterity, would find themselves in a much worse situation, by their estates reverting to the Trustees, in failure of male issue with all the improvements made upon it till the time of such revertion. And that tho the Trustees hade likewise assured them that upon any persons dying without male issue, and the next of kinn applying to them the right of inheritance should be given to him, provided that; he would occupy the same himself. Or otherwise, that they would give to the next heir applying, a consideration equall to the value of the said lands and improvements. Tho these promises were made by the Trustees yet they were not suffitient to remove the apprehensions of the people. Because they looked upon them, as things of courtisie only. And not such as they hade a right to claime, by the laws, and Consititution of the Colony; besides they considered, that tho the present Trustees were gentlemen of unblemished honour, and unspotted characters, yet they were mortall and in case of death, might be succeeded, by others, who would act upon quite different principles, and who instead of doeing justice, and adhearing to the rules and designs of the worthy gentlemen they succeeded, might have nothing in view but the pursuite of their own interests, by disposing of the lands and improvements, of those who should happen to die, and who hade ventured their lives [and] litle fortunes in making of their setlements, amongst their own friends and relations.

Nor were they at any certainty upon what terms they were to hold their lands, at the expiration of twenty years, when the deed of Trust granted by the King to the Trustees, expired, which was likewise a very great uneasiness to them. Yet not withstanding they chearfully sign’d an instrument prepar’d by order of the Trustees for that purpose whereby they oblidg’d themselves not to quitt the Colony in less thane three years without leave first obtain’d of the Chief Person in Power. That their labour should be in common till they hade erected houses sufficient for the whole and rais’d some other publick buildings for the service of the Colony, after which they received orders to repair on board of shipp, who thane lay at Gravesend, by the 9th of Nov. [1732]. At the same time the Reverd: Mr. [Samuel] Smith, one of the Trustees, made an excelent exhortation to the people, recomending to them in the strongest and most moving terms, brotherly love, friendshipp and sobriety.

2. The Voyage across the Atlantic

Friday Nov. ye 17th, about eight in the morning we sail’d from Gravesend, on board the shipp Ann [also spelled Anne], Captain Thomas, Comander, bound for South Carolina, having on board 41 men, 27 women, and 28 children.⁴ The same day about noon we came to anchor, at the Bay of the Nore, with the wind at N. B. W. [north by west]. The 18th we weighed anchor, about five in the morning, with a fine gale, and gott into the Downs about noon, where we lay by to take in fresh provissions for Mr. Oglethorps⁵ use, which came on board. About three in the afternoon we thene bore away. Wind at N. In the evening we gott a breast of the South Foreland, and stood down chanell all night; in the morning the 19th the wind coming short, we stood in to the Downs again where we came to anchor, about eleven oclock. And being Sunday hade Divine Service, and a sermon preached by the Reverd. Doctor Herbert⁶ who went as a voluntier in the expedition. About three in the afternoon, the wind coming about fair, we weighed anchor again and stood down chanell. The 20th were a breast of Beachy Head, with the wind at N. B. E. The 21st in the morning were a breast of the Isle of White [Wight] with a topsail gale at N. B. W. In the afternoon Mr. Warrens⁷ sone was baptis’d by the name of Georgia Marino, and Mr. Oglethorp having appoynted two Constables viz. Mr. Parker⁸ and Mr. Fitzwalter,⁹ ordered them to stand godfathers to the child, and Mr. Hodges’s ¹⁰ daughter godmother, Reverd. Doctor Herbert, making an exhortation suitable to the occassion. Afterwards Mr. Oglethorp ordered five gallons of brandy to be made into a flipp which being equally divided was three quarts to each mess which consisted of five people, and to each mess was allowed half a fowl, with bacon, and greens, which was a very agreeable refreshment, our people having never been used to salt provissions before. The evening was spent, with mirth, and order and success to the intended Collony, and the Trustees. Healths went round chearfully.

The same afternoon, about four oclock we took our departure from Beverly Point, bearing N. About five leagues distant, in the evening Mr. Huges ¹¹ was taken ill, with fitts. The 26th about six in the morning Mr. Canons ¹² child about eight months old was found dead in the bed, and the same day about five oclock the child was putt in a wooden box, and buried in the sea, Doctor Herbert performing the prayers proper for the occassion. The 28th Mr. Oglethorp sent for me to the cabins, and told me that for the better regulation of our people, he hade besides the two Constables, appoynted four Tything Men, and that the Trustees hade been pleas’d to name me for the first, and desired that I should chuse which family’s I best approv’d of to be in my Tything, and under my care, which I accordingly did. Our principle bussiness on board was to see that in the serving out of the provissions and other refreshments, (which was done, every day), each family, or mess, hade justice done them, and likewise that they should come regularly, and in their turns, to be serv’d and take particular care that no cursing, swearing, or any other indeceny’s should be comitted. And to prevent the danger of fire, by having candles between decks in the night, Mr. Kilbery ¹³ was appoynted Corporall, and to see that all the candles between decks were putt out ever’y night at eight oclock. And in case that any of the passengers should be suddenly taken ill, a watch was appoynted, of our own young men, who took it in their turns ever’y night to attend in the steerage with a lanthorne and candles.

Dec. ye 9th Mr. Hughes hade the misfortune of breaking his great toe, by the overturning of a scrutore ¹⁴ in the cabine which was emediately sett by Doctor Cox,¹⁵ our surgeon, who made a perfect cure of it in a short time. This evening I was taken ill, and continued so till the 21st, which was Mr. Oglethorps birth day, upon which occassion, a sheep and some other fresh provissions was dress’d for our people, and a quantity of liquor given to drink the health of the day. After dinner we were diverted with cudgell playing and riding of skimingtons on account of Mrs. Coles ¹⁶ having beat her husband. At night I hade a returne of my distemper, which continued till we came upon the coast of America. During my illness I received the utmost civilities from Mr. Oglethorp, Doctor Herbert, Captain Scott,¹⁷ and Captain Thomas, who all of them visited me constantly, and supplyed me with ever’y thing that was in their power, or wines and other refreshments.

3. Charles Town and Port Royal

Jan: ye 13th [1733] about nine in the morning we see two sails of shipps, and soon after we made land and stood for it, which we discovered in a short time to be Charles Town. Mr Oglethorp sent for me, and desired to know if my cloaths were on board, and if I could conveniently come at them, for that he intended to send me ashore with his complements to the Governour, and to bring of [off] a pilote. But being advised to fire guns, which is the usuall signall for pilotes to come off, and that it would give us the greater dispatch, it was accordingly done, but no pilote coming, Mr. Oglethorp resolved to goe himself, and sett off emediately from the shipp in the pinnace with six rowers, Mr. Amatiss,¹⁸ Mr. Kilbery, and two servants —about six he arrived at Charlestown, and returned on board the next day at noon, and brought with him Mr. Midletone one of the pilots belonging to the men of warr, stationed at Carolina.

This day we catched plenty of dog fish, black fish, angell fish, and severall other sorts, suffitient for all the people for severall dayes which was a welcome refreshment, they having lived chiefly upon salt provissions the whole voyage. At night about eleven oclock, we weighed anchor for Port Royall, but the wind coming short, we turned to the windward all night; and in the morning being the 15th found we hade only gained four leagues. The 17th about two in the afternoon, we were alarmed by a sloop who as soon as he perceived us standing along shore, emediately changed his course and bore down upon us, which looking very suspitious made us conclude that he must either be a pirate or Spanish Guard de Costa and that his intention was to plunder us, upon which Mr. Oglethorp ¹⁹ order’d all our men upon deck, and the small arms to be brought up, and all the women and children to keep below, and not appear upon deck. In the mean time, while we were drawing our men up, and getting our arms loaded, and ready for our defence, Captain Thomas who commanded the shipp order’d his great guns to be charged, and all things ready on his part, continuing still our courss. And the sloop bearing still down upon us and who by this time hade gott so near us that we could perseive he hade Jack Ensigne and pennant flying, which appear’d to us to be Spanish Colours, but being by this time pretty well provided for him, the Captain ordered the courss to be hauled up in order to waite for him. As soon as he came within gun shott of us, the Captain order’d a gun to be fired across his stem, and we could perceive the ball to fall about a hundred yards a head of him, but that not bringing him too, as we expected it would, he ordered another to be fired, still nearer to him, which fell within a very small distance of him, upon which and fearing the next shott would be aboard him he thought proper to lower his top sails, and upon viewing us and finding we were so well provided for him both sides of the shipp being compleatly lined with armed men, he thought proper to gett upon a wind, and stand away the same courss he was in when we perceived him first. The pilote whome we hade on board said he hade some knowledge of him that he hade been a pirate, and that he certainly would have plundered us hade he not found we were too strong for him. I cannot here omitt taking notice of the bravery of some of our women who when we expected every moment to come to an ingagemt. beg’d they might be assisting in handing us up arms amunitions, and what ever should be wanted, and that if it would be permitted they would come upon deck and fight as long as they could stand, while some of our men who hade been noted the whole voyage for noisy bullying fellows, were not to be found upon this occassion but sculked either in the hold or between decks.

The 18th came to an anchor in Port Royall river. The same evening Mr. Kilbery was sent to an island in the mouth of the river to gett what canoes he could, and returned to the shipp in the evening with one canoe and two men. The next morning Mr. Oglethorp and Doctor Herbert went up the river in the pinace to Beauford Town to provide periagaes ²⁰ to be assisting to us in debarking, and Captain Scott went with a party of six armed men in the canoe which was brought on board the night before, to secure those periagaes for owr use in their returne home who hade been imployed in carrying the Swiss under the command of Coll: Pury to their new setlement of Purisbourgh [Purrysburgh] up Savannah River; and likewise to gett hutts built for owr accomodation in owr passage to Georgia. The same day sent owr boat with the pilote to find owr anchor, which we were oblidged to leave on Port Royall Barr. The day before in the evening they returned, and brought the anchor with them, but the wind being contrary, we could not gett up the river that night.

Saturday morning the wind being fair, we weighed anchor, but it coming very hazy, were oblidged to come too again. Clearing up in the afternoon we weighed again, and came to our moorings about five in the afternoon, within three miles of Beauford Town. About eight in the evening a canoe was sent on board by Mr. Oglethorp to let the Captain know that he intended to come on board with the first of the tide of ebb. About eleven oclock at night he arrived, and brought with him a large periagoe, ordered severall more to attend us the next morning, when we begane early to pack up our goods, in order for a generall debarkation. About noon, we were all safely landed at the new fort where we found by Mr. Oglethorps direction the barracks belonging to Captain Massys [Philip Massey] Independant Company clean’d out on purposs for owr reception, fires lighted, and provissions provided for owr refreshment. During owr stay here which was ten dayes, we were constantly visited by the planters of the country and diverted ourselves with fishing and shooting. Here our Tythings begane to mount guard. On Sunday we hade an excellant sermone preach’d by the Reverd: Mr. Jones, minister of Beauford, under a tent which wee erected for that purpose, and likewise another adjoyning to it for the intertaining of the strangers of the better sort. Tuesday the 30th of Janry. we begane about four in the morning to pack up our goods and putt them on board petiagores in order to proceed for Georgia. About eight we were loaded and under saile, but the tide being farr spent, and it blowing very hard we were oblidged to bear a way for a creek near a place call’d the look out, where we anchor’d and lay all night. Wednesday morning, about five we weighed anchor again, with a fair wind, and arrived at Jones’s Island about six in the evening where we found hutts provided for us by Captain Scotts party. The same day the Indian hunters brought us in thirteen quarters of venison which was divided amongst us and dress’d for supper.

4. Arrival at Yamacraw Bluff; Development of Savannah

Next morning being the first of February,²¹ we sailed from Jones’s Island, with a fair wind and arrived the same day at Yamacra Bluff in Georgia, the place which Mr. Oglethorp hade pitched upon for our intended setlement. As soon as we came near the Bluff, we were saluted by Captain Scott and his party, with their small arms, which we returned. And as soon as we landed, we sett emediately about getting our tents fixed, and our goods brought ashore, and carryed up the Bluff, which is fourty foot perpendicular height above by water mark. This by reason of the loos sand, and great height, would have been extreamly troublesome hade not Captain Scott and his party built stairs for us before our arrivall, which we found of very great use to us in bringing up our goods.

About an hour after our landing, the Indians came with their King, Queen, and Mr. Musgrave,²² the Indian trader and interpreter, along with him to pay their complements to Mr. Oglethorp, and to welcome us to Yamacraw. The manner of their aproach was thus, at a litle distance they saluted us with a voly of their small arms, which was returned by our guard and thane [then] the King, Queen, and Chiefs and other Indians advanced and before them, walked one of their generalls, with his head adorned with white feathers, with ratles in his hands (something like our casternutts) to which he danced, observing just time, singing and throwing his body into a thousand different and antike postures. In this manner they advanced to pay their obedience to Mr. Oglethorp, who stood at a small distance from his tent, to receive them. And thane conducted them into his tent, seating Tomo Chachi²³ upon his right hand [and] Mr. Musgrave, the interpreter, Standing between them. They continued on conference about a quarter of an hour, and thane, returned to their town, which was about a quarter of a mile distant from the place where we pitched owr camp, in the same order as they came. Not being able to compleate the pitching of our tents this night, and I being but lately recover’d from my illness, went to ly at the Indian town, at Mr. Musgrove, the interpreters house, with Doctor Cox and his family and Lieutenant Farringtone belonging to Captain Massy’s Company, who hade order’d a handsome supper to be provided for us at Mr. Musgraves house.

As soon as the Indians were informed that we were come to Musgroves house, they begane to entertaine us with dancing round a large fire which they made upon the ground, opposite to the Kings house. Their manner of dancing is in a circle, round the fire, following each other close, with many antick gestures, singing and beating time, with their feet and hands to admiration. One of the oldest of our people, Doctor Lyons, having slept away from our camp and gott a litle in drink, found his way up to the Indian town and joyned with the Indians in their dance indeavouring to mimick and ape them in their antick gestures, which I being informed of, sent for him, and desired that he would emediately repair home to our camp. Otherwise I assured him I would aquaint Mr. Oglethorp with his folly. He promised me that he would. But being so much in liquor he returned again to the Indians and danced with them as before, which being told to me I ordered severall white men who were there to carry him home by force, it being of a very bad concequence that the Indians should see any follies or indiscretions in owr old men, by which they judge that our young men must be still guilty of greater, for they measure mens understanding and judgement according to their years.

Friday the 2d we finished our tents, and gott some of our stores on shore. The 3d we gott the petiagores unloaded, and all the goods brought up to the Bluff. Sunday the fourth, we hade Divine Service performed in Mr. Oglethorps tent, by Reverd: Doctor Herbert with thanksgiving for our safe arrivall. Mr. Musgrove, the Indian trader, and his wife were present, and Tomo Chachi, the Indian King, desired to be admitted, which Mr. Oglethorp readily consented to and he with his Queen were seated in the tent. During the time of Divine Service, severall of the Indian warriors and others sate at a small distance from the tent, upon trees, and behaved very decently.

Munday the 5th Coll. Bull,²⁴ being a gentlemen of great experience in making of setlements, was appoynted by the Governour and Councill of Carolina to come to us to be assisting with his advise, arrived in his own periagore from Charles Town and brought severall letters for Mr. Oglethorp from the Governour and Councill.

Wednesday the 7th we begane to digg trenches for fixing palisadoes round the place of our intended setlement as a fence in case we should be attacked by the Indians, while others of us were imployed in clearing of the lines, and cutting trees to the proper lengths, which was the 14 foot for the palisadoes. About noon a fire broke out in the guard room, which instantly consumed the same, and burnt severall chests that were in it belonging to owr people and likewise a hutt adjoyning to it belonging to Mr. Warren, whose things were likewise burned. It was with much difficulty we gott the powder out of Mr. Oglethorps tent, which stood almost joyning to the fire, and which we preserved by taking it emediately down. After we hade gott the fire pretty near extinguished, one of the large pine trees near 100 foot high took fire and to prevent further damage we were obliged to cutt it down, and in the fall it broke too barrells of beef and one barrell of strong bear [beer] in pieces and damaged the end of one of owr tents. The whole damage amounted to about twenty pounds sterling.

Thursday the 8th each family hade given out of the stores, an iron pott, frying pan, and three wooden bowls, a Bible, Common Prayer Book, and Whole Duty of Man. This day we were taken of [off] from the palisadoes and sett about sawing and splitting boards eight foot long in order to build clapp board houses, to gett us under better cover till our framed houses could be built. This evening Mr. St. Julien,²⁵ Mr. Whitaker, Major Barnwell, and Mr. Woodward arrived from Charlestown.

Friday our arms were delivered to us from the store viz. a musket and bayonett, cartrige box and belt to each persone able to cary arms. Sunday we were drawn up under owr arms for the first time, being divided into four Tythings, each Tything consisting of ten men, of which I was appoynted to command the first; Mr. Causton,²⁶ the second; Mr. Jones,²⁷ the third; and Mr. Goddard ²⁸ the fourth. I mounted the first guard at eight oclock at night, received orders from Mr. Oglethorp to fix two Centinells at the extream parts of the town who were to be relieved ever’y two hours and thane returning to the guard house, which we hade built of clapp boards, upon the most convenient part of the Bluff, for commanding the river both wayes. The next night at eight oclock I was relieved by Mr. Causton, who march’d to the guard house with his Tything under arms where I received him with my Tything drawn up before the guard with their arms rested.

5. Conditions in Savannah

Not withstanding that our guard duty was ever’y fourth night, yet we went directly from the guard to work in the woods, after owr names were called over, which was done ever’y morning at six oclock before Mr. Oglethorps tent, and if any persone did not at that time answear to his name, except hindred by sickness, was cutt of [off] from his dayes allowance of a pint of Madeira wine, which was allowed to every working man. About this time wee hade excessive hard rains and almost continued thunder and lightening to a most astonishing degree. The rains were so violent, and came with such force, that it beat thro, our tents to that degree that we have been wett to the skinn in them severall times in a day. And to prevent our bedding from being wett, hade no other methode but by covering them with plates, dishes, bowls, and what other conveniency we hade to catch the rain in, which has often been so heavy that severall gallons has been catched in those vessells upon one bed, in the space of an hour.

As the country all round us was a continued forrest, and nothing to be seen but wood and water, the rains were very frequent and very severe. But as our people who were daily imployed in cutting down trees, and clearing the place which was intended for the town, advanced in their work, and hade cleared a pretty large space of ground, wee could perceive the rains not to be so frequent, nor so violent. Munday Mr. Oglethorp being informed that two fellows who hade broke out of Charles Town jayle, were in our neighbourhood, and hade killed severall catle, at Musgrave, the Indian traders cow penn, ordered two men with a large swivell gunn to watch near the side of the river all night to stopp their canoe in case they should attempt to pass, and if apprehended each man was to have a reward of ten pound cur. [currency] from Mr. Oglethorp. The same evening Mr. Oglethorp desired us to draw up a letter of thanks to Mr. Whitaker and the other gentlemen, who hade generously made us a present of 100 head of catle to be equally divided amongst us. We drew the letter up, and had it signed by severall of our people, and went in a body and delivered it to Mr. Whitaker and the other gentlemen.

Tuesday early in the morning wee were all ordered under arms to salute those gentlemen before they sett out for Charles Town, which we did as they were going in to their boats, with three generall discharges and three husass. The same morning we see at a distance up the river, something like a canoe, which we supposed to be the two fellows who hade made their escape from Charles Town. Upon which Mr. Oglethorp ordered me to take two men along with me, in a canoe, and goe in quest of them. I chose Mr. Cristie ²⁹ and Mr. Cameron ³⁰ to goe along with me, and when we came to the place where we expected to find the fellows, we found that what appeared to us in town like a boate was a large tree floating down the river. Upon which we returned.

The 18th a servant maid belonging to Mr. Hughes was ordered to be brought before Captain Scott, Conservator of the Peace, where she was accused of a loose disorderly behaviour, and endeavouring to seduce severall other young women in the Colony, upon which she was ordered to be whipt at the carts taile, and returned to England to her friends, and in the mean time she was given in charge to the Constable. The 19th Mr. Oglethorp went in the scoutt boat to the Island Tybe in the mouth of our river to pitch upon a proper place for a small setlement for some people from Carolina who desired to be admitted under his protection, and to serve as a look out for our setlement. About four in the afternoon Coll. Pury arrived at the Indian town in a canoe from Purrisbourgh. I was ordered to take four of my guard with their arms, and waite upon the Coll. with the complements of the gentlemen and to give him an invitation to our camp. The Coll. returned their complements with great civility and desired me to aquaint the gentlemen that he would waite upon them presently. We were thane ordered all under arms, and when the Coll. arrived we saluted him with a generall discharge of our small arms. About seven in the evening Mr. Oglethorp returned in the scoutt boat from Tybe. This day our new crane was putt up.

Tuesday the 20th a warrant from Captain Scott came directed to me to see the sentence executed on the servant maid who some dayes before, was ordered to be whipt, upon which I ordered four of my guard under arms to bring her out, a negroe being appoynted to whipp her. As soon as she was brought to the cart severall of our people interceded with Mr. Oglethorp in her behalf, who remitted that part of her sentence and sent her the same day out of the Collony onboard a petiagore bound for Charles Town in the care of Mr. Osbourne,³¹ the patroon. The 21st about two in the morning Doctor Herbert sett out for Charles Town, in the scoutt boat, accompanied by Coll. Pury and some of his people. The same day Mr. Kilbery sett out with a small party and an Indian guide, to apprehend the fellows who were in the woods, and hade been discovered by the Indians. About eleven at night he returned with the prisoners, who were emediately examined before Mr. Oglethorp. One of them was English and the other a French man. The Frenchman denied all he was charged with, of having broke out of Charlestown jayle, and having committed severall roberies, and killed severall catle, in our neighbourhood. The English man confess’d most of what he was charged with, alledging that what catle they killed was only for their own subsistance, they having been in a most miserable way destitute of any manner of food in the woods, and must have inevitably perished hade they not done it. The French man was ordered into custody of the guard belonging to Captain Massy’s Independant Company, ten of whome with a serjeant, were ordered to be assisting to us in Georgia. The other was ordered into custody of our guard.

The 22d. Mr. Fitzwalter, one of our people, arrived with fifty head of catle and other stores from Carolina. This catle was part of the hundred, which Mr. Whitaker and his friends hade made a present of to us. The 23d. the bell was hung at the end of the crane. The 25th the two prisoners were putt on board Captain Andersons ³² petiagore to be sent to Beauford, and there to be delivered to Captain Watts, who was the commanding officer, and to be by him forwarded to Charles Town. The same day Mr. Oglethorp, Coll. Bull, and Tomo Chachi went up the river in order to give the Indians possesion of the lands alloted for their setlement, lying between the creeks six miles above us. About seven in the evening they returned to the camp. March ye 1st the first house in the square was framed, and raised, Mr. Oglethorp driving the first pinn. Before this we hade proceeded in a very unsetled manner, having been imployed in severall different things such as cutting down trees, and cross cutting them to proper lengths, for clapp boards. And afterwards splitting them into clapp boards, in order to build us clapp board houses, which was the first design, but that not answearing the expectation, we were now divided into different gangs, and each gang had their proper labour assign’d to them and to be under the direction of one persone of each gang so that we proceeded in owr labour, much more regular thane before, there being four setts of carpenters, who hade each of them a quarter of the first ward, alloted to them to build, a sett of shingle makers, with proper people to cross cutt and splitt, and a suffitient number of negroe sawyers, who were hired from Carolina to be assisting to us. The same night, one redman, an Irish man, was ordered into custody of the guard on suspition of his being a spy and intending to goe to St. Augustine, a Spanish setlement, to informe them of the situation of owr affairs. But after frequent examinations, and nothing appearing against him, he was discharged.

Sunday the fourth, after Divine Service, we were ordered under arms, and the Tythings marched regularly into the wood, a small distance from the town, where Mr. Oglethorp ordered a mark to be fixed up, at a hundred yards distance to be shott at by all the men, and who ever shott nearest the mark, to have a small prise of seven or eight shillings value. This custome which was intended to train the people up to firing, and to make them good marksmen, was generally observed, for many Sundays afterwards. That being the only day we could be possibly spared from labour, and with some success. Thursday the 7th the Indian King & Chi. [Chiefs] desired a talk with Mr. Oglethorp, which he readily granted, and received them at a house which was fitted up on purpose for that occassion. Mr. Oglethorp being seated at the door, on a bench covered with blew cloath with Captain Scott on his right hand and Mr. Jon. Brian ³³ on his left, the Indians advancing with Mr. Musgrove, their interpreter, before them. Most of them hade their heads adorned with white feathers, in token of peace, and friendshipp. Before the King and other Chiefs, marched two warriors carrying long white tubes, adorned with white feathers, in their left hands, and ratles in their right hands, which was cocoa nutt shells, with shott in them, with which they beat time to their singing as they marched along, but before they reached where Mr. Oglethorp was they made severall stopps, and at each stopp they begane a new song, in which they recounted all the warlike exploits of their forefathers, which is all the records they have, and the only methode of handing down to posterity the history of their great men. When they came near the place where Mr. Oglethorp was, the two warriors, who carried the feathers, and ratles in their hands, advanced before the King and other Chiefs singing and playing with their ratles and putting themselves in many antike postures. Thane, they came up to Mr. Oglethorp and the other gentlemen and waved the white wings they carried in their hands, over their heads, at the same time singing and putting their bodys in antike postures. Afterwards they fixed a lighted pipe of tobaco to the tubes which they held in their hands, and presented it to Mr. Oglethorp, who having smoaked severall whiffs they thane presented it to the other gentlemen, who observed the same methode which Mr. Oglethorp hade done. Thane they afterwards presented the same pipe to their King and two of their Chiefs, the King and each of the Chiefs smoaking four whiffs, blowing the first whiff to the left, the next to the right, the third upwards, and the fourth downwards. After this ceremony was over, they walked in to the house, the King being seated opposite to Mr. Oglethorp and the Chiefs on his right hand, thane Mr. Oglethorp desired the interpreter to ask the King, whether they desired to speak first. The King said they did, and bid the interpreter should say to Mr. Oglethorp, that they were glade to see him, and his people, safely arrived in this country and bid us hearty welcome to Yamacraw. Thane he said that with regard to one of his people, that hade been killed by the Uchis [Uche, Uchee] (another neighbouring nation of Indians) he would not take revenge without Mr. Oglethorps concent and approbation, (taking revenge is a terme they use, when they intend to declare warr). He thane said that he was not a stranger to the English, for that his father and grand father had been very well known to them. He afterwards presented Mr. Oglethorp with some deer skins, which is the most valuable, and indeed the only thing of value they have. Mr. Oglethorp after having assured them of his friendshipp, and utmost assistance and protection, made them some presents with which they were very much pleased. They afterwards returned to their own town in the same manner as they came.

Wee hade hither too continued very healthy, and proceeded in the publick labour with as much success and dispatch as could possibly be expected. But the weather beginning to be extreamly hott, and owr people haveing as yet no other water to drink but that of the river, which at high water was brackish, we did not long enjoy that happiness, for soon afterwards we begane to be very sickly, and lost many of owr people who died very suddenly.

Aprile the 6th Doctor Cox died very much lamented, being a generall loss to the Collony. He was a very useful and well experienced gentlemen. As the first persone that died, and we being thane, under a sort of a military government Mr. Oglethorp ordered that he should be buried in a military manner. All owr Tythings were accordingly ordered to be under arms, and to march regularly to the grave, with the corps, and as soon as he was interr’d and the funerall service performed we gave three generall discharges of owr small arms and during the time that we marched with the corps, and while the funerall office was performing, minute guns were fired from the guard house and the bell constantly toling. This military manner of burying was afterwards observed not only to all owr men that died, but likewise to owr women, till the people begane to die so fast that the frequent firing of the canon, and owr small arms, struck such terrour, in owr sick people (who knowing the cause, concluded they should be the next) that we have hade three or four die in one day which being represented to Mr. Oglethorp he ordered that it should be discontinued.

The Reverd: Mr. Quincy³⁴ arrived from England, and succeeded the Reverd: Doctor Herbert, who some time before was returned but died in his passage. We hade now found out a spring of water, about half a mile distant from the town, which was of great service to the people. Soon after we discovered severall more. But to prevent the trouble of going so farr to fetch it Mr. Oglethorp ordered a well to be sunk in the midle of the town, not expecting to find water in less thane 40 or 50 foot. However before they hade sunk 25 foot we found plenty of water, which still continues to supply the town.

Mr. Oglethorp sett out in the scout boat for Charles Town in South Carolina, in order to apply to the Governour and Assembly, for some assistance towards carrying on the Colony, which having succeeded in, returned to Savanah, and brought severall gentlemen along with him to visit owr new Collony. During his absence an unlucky accident hade like to have hapned. Captain Scott to whome the command of the place was left, the civill govermt. not being yet sttd. [settled], having ordered a servant belonging to one Gray³⁵ to attend him and the rest of the gentlemen that came to visit the Collony, Gray refused to send him, alledging that it was a very great hardship to have his property taken from him, which he looked upon his servant to be, and having infused this notion amongst the common people with whome he conversed, had formed a larg faction, who all agreed not to part with the servant, but would rather lose their lives in protecting him. This being whispered about, Captain Scott sent to me at night, when I went to relieve the guard and desired that I should take a file of my guard, with their arms, and goe and demand the servant, and bring him away. I accordingly chose two of the people I could best trust so, and came to the house where the servant was, but could not gett admittance for some time. At length the door was opened, and I went in with my men and demanded the servant, which the master refused, and the women who were in the house declared that there were twenty arm’d men without, ready to defend him in case any attempt was made to take him away by force. I told them the necesity I was under of obeying command, without no good order could possibly subsist, that tho I was determined not to goe without the servant, yet I was very unwilling to carry things to extreamity, and assured them that there was no intention of taking the servant from them, only to be assisting for a few dayes till Mr. Oglethorps returne, when I told them they might depend upon having any grievance redress’d as soon as he arrived. And their conduct in submitting to command, very much approved of, still I could not prevaille, by all the fair means I could possibly use, [convince them] so I resolved to carry it a litle farther, and with some small litle opposition I gott upstairs where the servant was, and ordered him to come down emediately, which with some reluctance he obey’d. But still the difficulty was to gett him out of the house, for they begane to be very clamorous, and sounded still resolved not to part with him. And I on the other hand was determined not to goe without him. And once more begg’d they would consider the concequence of opposing authority, that it would be deem’d mutiny and that they certainly would be punished as such, and at the same time assured them that if they would let the servant goe peaceably, in obedience to command, I gave them my word he should be returned to them in an hours time, and likewise promised that he should not receive any punishment. This at last they agreed to, and according to my promise the servant was returned in an hours time. So we happily gott over this affair which might have been attended with very fatall concequences.

6. Treating with the Indians

On the [blank space] a messenger arrived with an account that the Chiefs of the Upper Creeks and Uchi nations were arrived at Captains Bluff in their way to Savanah, upon which a house was ordered to be fitted up to receive them in, and the next morning they arived in a petiagore, having travell’d five hundred miles thro the woods to enter in to a Treaty of Friendshipp with Mr. Oglethorp, and receive the presents usuall on those occassions. There was to conduct them two Indian traders and interpreters, whom Mr. Oglethorp had sent up to the nations on purpose to bring them down. As soon as they arrived Mr. Oglethorp ordered me to goe to the water side and receive them at their landing, which I did and conducted them to the house where Mr. Oglethorp was to receive them. And Mr. Oglethorp being willing to show them owr strength, the great guns were fired as soon as they landed, which they seem’d much surprised at, many of them having never heard a cannon before, and all owr people being under arms lined the way on each side they were to pass thro from the Bluff to the house where Mr. Oglethorp was.

The Kings or Chiefs were seated on each side of Mr. Og. [Oglethorpe] and the interpreters stood before, and the other Indians about four score in number satt on the floor, smoaking tobaco, and Mr. [John] Colleton and Mr. St. Julien, two gentlemen who came to visite us from Carolina, filled wine and were assisting during the time of the talk, which being ended, and they having received their presents, they retired each nation to a different camp, a small distance from the town where they continued a week, and were supply’d during that time with provissions from the Trustees stores.

7. Civil Government Setup

About this time Mr. Oglethorp haveing some thoughts of returning to England, as soon as he could possibly gett things a litle setled and being desirious before his departure, to see what success the new scheme of government would have, declared his intentions of constituting the court (which was to be a Court of Record) and qualifying those persones who were appoynted to the magistracy, by a speciall comission from the Trustees before we left England, with (as it was believed) a discretionary power to continue or discontinue them as he found they were deserving. Accordingly the day was appoynted which was the 7th of July [1733], when the people being assembled together Mr. Oglethorp opened the Trustees Commission for appoynting the magistrates, and called and qualified them according to their rank, which was as follows: Peter Gordon, first Bailiff; William Waterland,³⁶ second; Thomas Causton, third; Thomas Christie, Recorder; and Joseph Hughes, Register. The goverment. of owr new setlement being thus modell’d, wee were now to act in a sphere different from any thing wee hade ever appear’d in before, the nature of which wee were but too litle aquainted with; and I cannot help saying not suffitiently qualified for offices of so great power and trust, as the disposall of such a number of peoples libertyes and properties, and even their lives, in as full a sense as any judge in England as has been suffitiently evidenced by severall instances.

The other inferior officers, such as Constables and Tything men, were to be appoynted occasionally by the magistrates as they found it necesary. And now all matters both civill and criminall were to be determined before the Court, which as I observed before, consisted of the magistrates I have already mentioned, with a jury of twelve freholders, who were to be properly summoned for that duty by the Recorder or Town Clerk.

This forme of governmt. seem’d to be agreable enough to the people, who were generally satisfied with the decissions of the Court, in the litle matters, either about property or otherwise, which hade as yet been brought before them, but when they considered them as a sett of men, in whose hands and power their lives and fortunes were intrusted and that tho they should be ever so much oppress’d or aggrieved, there was no redress to be expected but by an application to the Trustees in England, which by reason of the distance, was looked upon as a tedious and uncertain relief, besides the danger of having their conplaints rejected, and the representations of the people in power (against whome their complaints might probably be justly grounded) receiv’d by the Trustees, which consequently could not faile to throw them under their displeasure and make them be looked upon as a turbulant and restless people, for in the setling of Col. [Colony] I say when they came to view the magistrates therefor in this light they begane thane naturally to reflect upon the qualifications and characters of those people who were thuss intrusted with the governmt. of the Colony; and finding that tho they were men of fair reputation, yet as they hade never made the law’s of their country their study and were almost as litle aquainted with them as they were themselves (nay some pretended to a much superior knowledge of the laws thane any persone in the administration), they therefor by no means looked upon them as people of concequence enough or suffitiently qualified for so great a trust as was reposed in them.

This naturally produced a disregard both for them and their proceedings and tho they could only express their dislikes in privatt caballs, yet it was a very great check to their industry and proceedings in their labour with that chearfulness they otherwise would have done. And what greatly contributed to their discontent was that one of the principle magistrates [Causton] hade the intire disposall and direction of the publick stores. By which all centered in him as having it in his power to starve the people into a compliance with his will and keeping from them the provissions alloted for them, if they in the least seem’d to disaprove or grumble at any measures he was disposed to take, but as there will be occassion to mention this hereafter in the memorialls I delivered to the Trustees, I shall proceed to consider the probability of succeeding in this new Colony, under the present Constitution and forme of Governmt. and offer such reasons as I humbly conceive will be an enternall barr to the undertaking as long as the law’s and regulations of the Colony continue in the same shape they are in at present.

The success of all Colony’s must depend upon the industry of its inhabitants, in cultivating and improveing the lands that are alloted to them, in order to produce (in the first place) provissions for their own subsistance, and in the next place some comodities for exportation to forreign markets, without which no Colony can long subsist, tho ever so powerfully supported. In order therefor to encourage the people to answear this great end, it is absolutely necessary not to cramp or oppress their minds with any harsh laws, and particularly not to clogg their right of inheritance to the fruits of their labour and industry, with harder terms and more forfeitures thane their fellow subjects in the neighbouring Colonys are lyable to. And above all the greatest care should be hade to setle such a forme of government as is agreable to them, and corresponding with the laws of the country they have been brought up in. And the executive part of this governmt. should be putt in the hands of persons fitly qualifyed, and who are not only distinguished for their superior capacities, humanities, and courage, but they should likewise be such as are in good esteem amongst and agreable to the people. If suffitient care be taken in these points and upon which I may venture to say the whole success depends, there is not in the least doubt but things would succeed (tho slowly) not withstanding the many hardships and difficulties such undertakeings must unavoidably be attended with.

But if on the contrary they should fall short of any of those necesary incouragements and the people find that they are upon a worss footing thane in any of owr Colonys in America it intirely unbends their minds from pursueing the principle thing of clearing and setling their lands; and they become quite tired of their undertakeing and many except those who by their places and oppressing the people, have an opportunity of amassing wealth, are kept by mere force wanting nothing but an opportunity of leaving the Colony and setling in some of the neighbouring provinces, which I know to be the case of many of the better sort of people as well as of the others, and who are only prevented from doeing it, by haveing exhausted the subsistance they brought with them, and necesarly oblidged to contract debts, which they are not in a condition of paying, and which is always found to be a suffitient reason for detaining them in the Colony.

But to proceed to the reasons which I apprehend will be a barr to the success of it I shall give but three, tho there are severall others which may not be so proper to be given. The first is the tenure by which the lands are held. The second is the prohibiting of negroes. And the third is the placing the governmt. in the hands of people who are so farr from being qualified or equall to so great a trust that they are looked upon with the greatest scorne and contempt by ever’y persone who has either seen or heard of their administration.

8. Land Tenure and Inheritance

As to the tenure of the lands the uncommon number of forfeitures contained in the grants, makes it almost impossible for any persone living to comply with them. And tho I am perswaded that no advantage would be taken if half the terms of the grants were not complyed with, yet the mere apprehension of it makes such an impression on the minds of the people that they must live in continuall fear of forfeiting their lands, knowing it almost impossible for them to comply with the conditions upon which they hold them. But this tho very discouraging is not near so fatall in its concequences as the setling the inheritance upon the male issue only and in failure of that to revert to the Trust, and thereby deprive daughters, brothers, and all other relations from enjoying what has been ever looked upon as a naturall right. This law is of its self alone suffitient to destroy the undertaking. For can any one imagine that a man who is posses’d of any property and who has that naturall tenderness and affection for his family and relations, which is common to mankind, would at the hazard of his own and their lives attended with a great expence and constant fatigue goe to setle in a country where if he chances to die without leaving a sone behind him, must have his lands with all the improvements he has made upon them, probably at a very considerable expense, revert to the Trust, and thereby leave his family, who hade been fellow labourers with him and shared in all his hardshipps so many sacrifises and unprovided for. Can one imagine I say that any man in his sences would goe to setle in any country upon those terms. The principle reasone that has been given for this law, is that by the inheritance descending in the male line, a suffitient number of men will be alwayes in the Colony to defend it in case of any attack, and that if the females should inherite, such a time might happen, when the whole Colony would be in the possession of women, and concequently defenceless and exposed a prey to any power who would invade her.

This reason how ever plausible it may appear at first has certainly no foundation in it, as has been suffitiently proved by instances, and can only be the child of some noted refiner of schemes. For supposing a man to die without male issue the Colony receives no emediate addition of strength by this, for that land would, must, doubtless be occupied by some persons already in the Colony or ly wast and neglected till the Trustee thought proper to dispose of it otherwise. And if they should think fitt to send people over from England to occupy that land, I cannot see how the Colony would receive any addition of strength even by that, because the Trustees have land enough in the Colony to give, without giving of that. Whereas on the contrary if the next of male kind or nearest male relation were to inherite (within a limited time) it would soon be occupied by some near relation, who would probably bring with him an additionall strength to the Colony, both of substance and people, which the Colony could never have received without such an accident, and in the mean time the relations who were upon the spott would make all the improvements they possibly could. This surely would be more agreable to justice and tend more to the advantage of the Colony thane to have the inheritance intirely cutt of [off] and the estates revert to the Trust, except the mansion house and one half of the inclosed lands, which the widdow’s, in case there be any are intituled to the possession of, during their lives. But still the daughters would be in the same unhappy circumstances and cutt off from any hopes of inheriting or being provided for, upon a distant and most improbable supposition that a time might happen when the Colony would be wholely in the hands of women, and concequently defenceless.

European, and particularly English and other Brittish women, if they are sober and of good behaviour, are generally in good esteem and very valuable all over owr setlements both in the West Indies and in America, and it is seldome known that a woman of any merrite, lives long single in these countrys, but have the good fortune of being married, often to great advantage. Thane I think it will naturally follow that if the right of inheritance were in the daughters, in failure of male issue it would be a means rather of strengthning the Colony thane of weakning it, because the incouragement of having a setlement would certainly bring many young men not only from owr neighbour Colonys but like wise from other parts to marry those daughters and setle in the Colony, which would evidently prove to be a very great advantage to the Colony. And it would likewise be the means of increasing greatly the number of inhabitants and setlers and of making those who are already there more easy in their minds and more dilligent and industrious in their setlements. For I am perswaded that this law is one of the reasons why so small a progress has been yet made in the Colony, and has certainly prevented many people of subsistance from going to setle there.

9. Negro Slaves and White Servants

The second reasone is the prohibiting of negroes. I think it has hitherto been a received maxim in all owr southerne setlements, not only in the West Indies, but also in Carolina, that negroes are much more profitable to the planter (as being naturalisled to the extreame heats) thane any European servants whatsoever. And indeed daily experience showes that it is morrally impossible to doe without them, for it is to their labour joyned to their industry and good management of those who have hade the direction of them that owr Sugar Islands have made the great figure they have done, and to their labour is likewise owing the prodigious quantities of rice, which is yearly made in and exported from Carolina.

The reasons are very obvious: the first, because the climate is more naturall and agreable to them, and concequently they are less lyable to the distempers peculiar to hott country’s by being daily exposed to the inclemency of the seasons. This is a truth so generally known that there needs nothing to be said to inforce it. The next reason is because they are much cheaper and more to be depended upon. For example, you purchase a new negroe, id est, a negroe just come from Guinea, for 20 pound sterling, which I take to be the midle price, given between the two extreams. This negroe we may suppose in the generall runn of negroes to be of a sound constitution and uncorrupted morralls, for it is certain that they are unaquainted with the many vices that are but too common amongst owr white servants, and almost in a state of inocency when compared to them and as he becomes your sole property, you may train him up in what manner you think will best answear your purpose, either to the field or to the house (which would not answear any end with a white servant, because his time is so short) and your negroe servant with good usage you may reasonably expect he will turne out a trusty and faithfull servant as long as he lives. For when ever it happens otherwise, it is too often owing to the barbarous cruelty their masters and overseers exercise over them, and I believe it has been observed by many people, as well as my self, that in proportion to the number of negroes and white servants, all over the West Indies and even in South Carolina the white servants generally turne out the worst. Nor can it be reasonably expected to be otherwise, because the common run of white servants that transport themselves to owr Colony’s abroad by the help of owr agents for that purpose are generally the very scumm and refuse of mankind, trained up in all sorts of vice, often loaded with bad distempers and who leave their native country upon no other motive but to avoid the worss fate of being hanged in it. What can posibly be expected from such servants but that they would corrupt those you have before if they are not already as bad as themselves, for I am perswaded that of all the miserable objects on earth there is non make a worss figure thane the generall run of white servants abroad, owing intirely to their drunkeness and other vitious habits they hade contracted at home. On the contrary the negroes no where make a better appearance nor in the generall, doe I believe enjoy better health in their native country thane they doe in owr setlements.

The generall price of a common white servant, such as has not been brought up to any particular trade, is ten or twelve pounds, for which sum you have him bound to you by indenture for the terme of four years, during which time you are to supply him with such cloathing as is suitable to the country and usually given in such cases, and he must also be supplyed with provissions which you must likewise doe to your negroe servants, but with this difference that your plantation negroes (who are the only negroes I would be understood to mean) as they are the most usefull negroes. For I look upon the great number of domestick negroes that are kept in the towns, generally for ostentation and grandeur (which is a custome but too prevailing all over owr setlements) to be both an impolitick and unprofitable one, but there is this difference between your white and negroe servants, that your negroes, having a small spott of land alloted to them, which is the common methode, doe by their industry and at their spare hours not only raise provissions suffitient for their own subsistance, but many of them raise poultry and other litle things, which by selling at market often enables them to buy great part of their own cloathing, so that the expence the master is at in supporting his negroes is but very small.

White servants must be treated in a quite different manner, for as they have from their infancy been accustomed to live in a different manner to what the negroes doe, so they must be fed and cloathed much better and concequently at a much greater expence; otherwise you cannot expect to receive any satisfaction or advantage from their servitude. So that I may venture to affirme that the difference of the expence in supporting a white and a negroe servant for the terme of four years (which is the time that white servants are generally bound for) will amount near if not fully to the difference of the prime cost of the negroe and the summ you pay for the white servant for four years. From which it appears even in this point that the negroe is so much cheaper to the planters thane the white servant, as the price the negroe will sell for at the end of four years, which at a moderate calculation may be reackoned at one third more thane the prime cost because negroes that have been trained up for that time either to plantation or any other bussiness, as they become more expert and better aquainted with the particular bussiness they are bred to, because concequently more valuable, and that advantage redounds solely to the propriator of the negroe.

And on the other hand, if a white servant should happen to proove well, the master can reap no further advantage from him, but during the time of his servitude. So that I think it is very apparant that negroes are not only much fitter thane white servants for hott climates, but they are likewise much cheaper and more beneficiall to the planter in ever’y respect. Nay it is morrally impossible that the people of Georgia can ever gett forward in their setlements or even be a degree above common slaves, without the help and assistance of negroes. Because the people of Carolina, who are remarkable for their industry and who inhabite a country equally as fine and productive as Georgia, will at all times, by the help of their negroes be able to undersell the people of Georgia in any commodities they can possibly raise, at any market in Europe. Which I think is suffitiently proved by the small progress, that is as yet made in Georgia. For it is plain to ever’y one who has been there that what is done has been done meerly by dint of money which would have been quite otherwise if the same number of negroes hade been imployed in that Colony as there has been of white people, they would have been able long before this time, not only to have subsisted themselves, but would likewise made a considerable figure in their exports, neither of which the people of Georgia are able to doe, nor can the wisest man living say when they will while the constitution of the Colony remains upon the same footing it does at present.

10. Opposition to the System of Government

The third reasone is the placing the Gouvernment of the Colonie in the hands of people that are not in any degree qualifyed for so great a trust as I hade the honour my self of being appoynted and continued First Bailiff for above two years (and till I apply’d to the Honble. the Trustees to have another appoynted in my room). I shall rather chuse to give some account of the magistrates and their gouvernment. From a letter wrote by a very worthy gentleman and friend, who was thane in Georgia, to his corrospondant in London, having obtained his leave for that purpose, and according as this shall be reviewed [I] shall be able to publish some other curious letters concerning the affairs of that Colony wrote by the same ingenious and other worthy friends. But at present shall content my self with giving you his sentiments of the magistrates and gouvernmt. rather thane speake my own, which I hope will be suffitient to show the evill concequences that attend a weak and disregarded gouvernment in an infant Colony.

Writing to his friend about some affairs relating to the Colony, he sayes, [“]Here is the cause that will confound us, the Chief Magistrate [Causton] we have here at present, who before he was advanced to this post and was only keeper of the publick stores, under the eye of Mr. Oglethorp, behaved himself in a modest civill manner and was really very dilligent and usefull in his place, is now so elated and puff’d up, his head so full of the dignity of his place and the honour and obedience the people are to pay him that in order to inforce this he runs into the most arbitrary and unjust proceedings, and those who doe not follow in with his measures, he procecutes with the utmost malice. Believe me what I say is not out of any personall pique, for his carriage to me has been very civill, and it is with reluctance that I make any complaint of him. But as the manifest good of the Colony requires it, I think it my duty. Nor shall I aledge any thing against him, but what I shall make evidently appear. If this humour of his amounted to no more thane what may be called a foible, a love of grandeur and ostentation, it would be excuseable, and whilst I apprehended it no worss I always discountenanced any complaints against him and advised all my friends to show him as much respect as he required, and thought it a stifness worthy of blame in them who could not bring their minds to it. And I shall not now alter my conduct in this respect, but whilst he continues in his post endeavour to make the people easy with him, tho I can’t excuse him, as I have done because I have been my self a witness, together with the whole Court of a most flagrant piece of injustice, which I shall relate to you at large. But first must observe what a hardshipp the Colony is under, and those in particular who most stand in need of litle assistance and really deserves them, and yet cannot out of a principle of honesty or hon. [honour] come into his measures. These are sure to have his frowns whilst mean worthless fellows, who can fawn and flatter are his favourites.

[“]With what justice may we expect such a one will discharge the litle trust repoze’d in him, of dealing out the provissions according to nesescity’s and deserts of the people. This requires more discretion and impartiality thane he seems disposed to exercise. I call it trust repoze’d in him because the others who are joyned with him (excepting Mr. Gordon, who is now in England) viz. two more, as well in dispensing of justice as in the other affair. Yet he has so absolutely made himself master of them that they are to be considered no more thane cyphers. We live in hopes of having shortly one of the gentlemen of the Trust or some other gentleman of worth amongst us, to take the gouvernment of the place upon him. The presence of such a one would be of vast service to us; nay I could almost say is absolutely necesary for upholding the Colony. There is a generall discontent with the present management, and I cannot say but very justly, for instead of an upright and faithfull dispensing of justice, instead of the magistrates being a terrour to evill doers and a praise to them that doe well.

[“]Things are carried by prejudice and passion, by mean artifice and selfish designs of aquiring absolute power. Trick and cuning are universaly and deservedly esteem’d odious and detestable things in lessor matters, and why should they not appear much more so to honest and well designing men in maters of greater concequence in affairs of gouvernment and administration of justice, where the bad effects of them are more generall and lasting. Surely a persone must be farr gone in Machivilian principles to think them very criminall in one case and yet allowable and laudable in the other. It is certain that they can only serve the vile purposes of enslaving and destroying men, and I am sure the power that aims at those unworthy ends is not the power that is ordained of God.[“]

You see here the sentiments of a very ingenious and worthy gentleman, which will be a great help in forming a right judgement of the gouverment of the Colony. I shall now proceed to finish the journall during my stay in the Colony, for having by the hardshipps we underwent and living in a manner quite different from what I hade ever been accustomed to, contracted an illness which afterwards appear’d to be a fistula in ano, and owr surgeon Mr. Cox being dead, and no persone in the Colony from whome I could expect any relief, was oblidged to goe to Carolina, in order to gett the assistance of a surgeon there, who belong’d to Captain Massys Independent Company, where I continued three months during which time I was cutt three times and underwent incredible torture. But being informed by my surgeon that he hade compleated a cure, I returned to Savanah again, where in less thane a week I found my self so farr from being cured that I hade a returne of my illness worss thane ever, and there being litle hopes of meeting with a cure in that country I applyed to Mr. Oglethorp for leave to returne to England, which he granted, and wrote a letter along with me to George Heathcote Esq., one of the worthy Trustees recomending me to him and informing him in what manner I hade behaved my self.

And at the same time he assured me that by the next ship he would likewise write to the Trustees in generall in my behalf, which he could not at that time possibly doe, being so much hurryed in the affairs of the Colony that he hade scarce a moments time to spare, for at this time the Trustees hade not for some months heard from Mr. Oglethorp, nor know in what manner he was proceeding, so that he could not posssibly write to the Trustees on my account only, without giving them at the same time, an account of the situation of affairs in the Colony, which would have required more time thane he could possibly spare thene.

11. Gordon Returns to England

Nov: ye 4th [1733] Gouvernour Johnston,³⁷ Captain Massy, and Major Barnwell arrived at Savanah, to visite Mr. Oglethorp and the Colony, and the next morning Mr. Oglethorp ordered that the Corporation should waite upon the Gouvernour and the other gentlemen to welcome them to Savanah and to returne thanks to his Excellency for the favours he hade done to owr infant Colony, which we did and was received in a most obllidging manner. The same day his Excellency accompanied with Mr. Oglethorp and the other gentlemen sett out to visite Purisbourg and returned to Savanah the next day in their way to Charles Town.

November the eighth I sett out from Savanah, on my returne to England, and arrived at Charles Town the 12th and as soon as his Excellency, Gouvernour Johnston, to whome I brought letters from Mr. Oglethorp, heard of my arrivall, he with Captain Anson, who commanded one of His Majestys ships on that station, did me both honour of a visite at my lodgings, where they stayed above an hour and his Excellency invited me to dine with him the next day, which I did and during my stay received many civilitys from his Excellency and the gentlemen of Charles Town.

The 25th I sailed for England and arrived in London the 6th of January [1734]. As soon as I arrived, tho I was reduced to the weakest condition imaginable by my illness, yet before I putt my self under Mr. Chrisledons ³⁸ care to be cutt for my fistula, I delivered all the letters and packets I was charg’d with and particularly that from Mr. Oglethorp to George Heathcote, Esq, who was extreamly glade to hear from Mr. Oglethorp and have an account of owr proceedings in the Colony. I hope this worthy gentleman will pardon me if now I cannot omitt mentioning with the utmost gratitude the severall very kind offers of assistance he was so good to make me in my ilness and [illegible] and severall marks of friendshipp I have since received from him and his family.

I also waited upon Mr. [James] Vernon, another of the worthy Trustees, who was also extreamly kind and very curious in inquiring into the state of the affairs of the Colony. As soon as I was in a condition of stirring abroad after Mr. Chrisledon hade cutt my fistula, I waited upon the Trustees at their office, and gave them the best account I was able, of the situation of affairs in the Colony, and at the same time presented to them a view of the new Town of Savanah, its situation, and manner it was laid out in, as likewise the forme and elevation of all the houses and other publick buildings that were compleated at the time I left it. The Trustees seem’d pleased with it, and order’d me to gett a compleat drawing made of it, which I presented to them as soon as it was finished, and for which they ordered me a small present.

As soon as Mr. Oglethorp arrived in England, he gave me an account of what additionall buildings hade been raised since my coming away, and desired that I would have it printed and dedicated to the Trustees, in which I was assisted by a subscription of many of the Honable. Trustees and other noblemen and ladies. The Indian Chiefs ³⁹ who came over with Mr. Oglethorp, being soon to be sent home Mr. Oglethorp was very desirous that I should returne with them. Continued and confirmed in my office of First Bailiff, and at the same time and upon many other occassions, promised me his utmost friendshipp and assistance, I accordingly agreed to returne with the Indians, and applyed to Mr. Oglethorp, the affairs of the Colony being more emediately under his direction, for his instructions, in what manner I was to behave my self, in the execution of my office, looking upon my self not suffitiently qualified for the discharging an office of so great power without the assistance and particular directions of those I thought much better qualified thane my self. However, tho I frequently applyed for them yet I could never obtain any other thane not to oppose Mr. Causton in any steps he thought proper to take. This tho it gave me the greatest uneasiness, yet did not hinder me from persuing my resolution of returning.

12. Back in Georgia

And accordingly I imbarked at Gravesend on [a blank for the date, which was October 31] with the Indian Chiefs and about 50 Saltsburgers and as many English passengers, and arrived at Savanah in Georgia [a blank here for the date, which was December 27, 1734] where to my very great surprise I found the affairs of the Colony in the utmost confusion and so generall a dislike to the administration amongst the people, that many of them hade actually entered into one design before my arrival, of sending Mr. Causton, the principle magistrate, and against whom their complaints were chiefly grounded, home to England in irons. This design as soon as they heard of my arrivall they intirely laid aside in expectation that I was provided with full powers of redressing all their grievances, which from the knowledge they hade of me they assured themselves I would readily doe.

But not having received any particular instructions with regards to the execution of my office, tho I hade often applyed for them nor any power of inspecting into the publick stores, and seeing that justice was done to the poor people in the dispencing of them, which was one [of] the principle grievances complained of, I found that my power was not extencive enough effectually to relieve or redress them, tho it may be here objected that I being that

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