ORIGINAL PAPERS OF GOVERNORS REYNOLDS, ELLIS, WRIGHT, AND OTHERS, 1757-1763
Memorial of Benjamin Martyn, Agent for Georgia, to the Board of Trade, March 8, 1757, London, read March 10, 1757, C.O. 5/645, B. 37, praying the Board’s warrant to enable him to pay several sums from remaining Trustees’ balance.
Humbly Shewith
That in Obedience to Your Lordships Orders he sent to Georgia in December last the Sum of £500 by the Lieut. Governor, Henry Ellis Esqr; to be by him applied upon Account to discharge Expences of the Silk Culture from the time of his Arrival in the said Colony; And that the Land Carriage of the said Money to Portsmouth amounted to £2.4.6, and the freight of the same to £ 10.
That by Your Lordships Orders he procured Insurance on the said Sum of £500, Which, at eight Guineas per Cent, amounted, with the Policy, to £42.4.6.
That he begs leave to represent also to Your Lordships, that out of the Sum of £1500, granted by his Majesty for Presents to the Indians bordering on the Province of Georgia, he has expended the Sum of £1201.16. in purchasing and shipping the same. That the Fees on receiving the said Sum of £1500 and for Orders for Shipping the Guns and Powder, Part of the said Presents, amounted to £8.3.10, And that the remaining Sum of £292 will be wanted to answer the necessary Drafts for Expences attending the Distribution of the said Presents, and therefore he humbly offers to Your Lordships Consideration, whether it may not be proper to pay the Sum of £55.10 for freight of the said Goods, and the Sum of £75.16.6 Insurance on the same at six Guineas per Cent, with the aforesaid Sum of £2.6.6, and £2 and £62.2.6 out of the Surplus Money lying in Your Memorialists hands, which he is authorized and required, by a Warrant from the late Lords Justice, to pay for such sums and Services as Your Lordships, by Your Warrant, shall direct and appoint.
Henry Ellis to the Board of Trade, March 11, 1757, Georgia, read April 5, 1758, C.O. 5/646, C. 25, giving his view of the situation in Georgia upon his arrival.
My Lords
I embrace this early opportunity of transmitting to your Lordships the truest idea I can form of the situation of things here upon the best but still imperfect information I have had time to acquire.
I arrived at Charles Town the 28th of January where I was received with the greatest Marks of respect by the principal Inhabitants who think themselves closely connected and deeply concerned in the fate of Georgia. The friendly & confidential reception I met with from Govr Lyttleton was no less agreeable as the advantage I reaped from his advice and information effectually answered the purpose of my touching there since it afforded me an opportunity of Settling a plan of good correspondence with him,1 of removing some provincial prejudices & of concocting such designs as seemed best calculated to unite & reconcile as much as possible the variety of little views and interests that subsist here & are apt to influence & interfere with the public measures.
On my arrival here Mr. Reynolds resigned his Commission & Instructions into my hands conformable to your Lordships Commands whereupon I immediately qualified & took upon me the administration of Government. The first instance of which I shewed in rejecting Mr Reid & Mr Patrick Mackay two Councillors lately admitted by Mr Reynolds in the room of two others that absented themselves, but were not suspended & who returned to their Seats on this change. But I did this with such apparent justice & impartiality that no umbrage was taken even by these Gentlemen.
I found the people here exceedingly dissatisfied with each other & an almost universal discontent arising from the late proceedings & persons in power. Few approached me that were not inflamed with resentment & liberal in invectives urging that I should take some immediate and very violent steps such as a total change of public Officers & the dissolution of the Assembly and notwithstanding their prepossessions offered some very cogent reasons for this procedure. Sensible of my own inexperience & of the violence of such Councils, fearful of being misled 6c aiming rather at healing the wounds & extinguishing the flame of Party than stirring it anew, I forebore making any material alteration until I should be qualified to Act from observation & experience in order that the changes I shall then make may rather be attributed to my own judgement than to the advice of designing and interested people. This suspense will give time for mens passions to subside & for truth to appear through the cloud of party prejudice that at present obscures it.
I believe it may be advanced as a fact that the present assembly was formed by dint of very irregular & improper means. Threatenings were used, promises made, offices created, new Commissions granted, old ones altered to facilitate the bringing in of such men as were to be the implicit tools of Mr Little who it was preconcerted should be their Speaker.2 These Machinations succeeded; men at their devotion were chosen; flexible weak & ignorant, ready to join in anything they were put upon however destructive to the true intent of their Constituents.
Not dishonest in their private characters but easy, credulous, & equally disposed to good or evil. And it is to be wished that those who had acquired such a degree of influence had employed it to other purposes than those of a private & sinister nature. As the former Assembly was treated with remarkable haughtiness, a conduct quite the reverse has been shewn to this for very obvious reasons.
Those in power were early apprized of your Lordships intention to inquire into their conduct hence there was a necessity of taking some steps towards their justification. Such is the Address to His Majesty in favour of Mr Reynolds Administration, not to mention a variety of other designs that the activity & opposition of the contrary Party rendered abortive. For carrying these points it was not sufficient to have a Majority in the Assembly who had but little credit, it was necessary the Governor & his Minister should flatter the people even to the detriment of the Province. Hence that remarkable Speech at the opening the Assembly declaring that the former Taxes were sufficient & that no more would be asked, notwithstanding the sum arising from them the last year was one third short of the Service for which it was intended. It produced but £200 & the Service required £300 the deficiency was taken from the contingent money which was to be reimbursed out of that to be raised the present year altho they were sensible it would be inadequate to the ordinary expenses of Government exclusive of such a Debt.
Other concessions were made such as the Assemblys recommending persons for the Commissions of the peace at the request of the Governor. The Council too were desired to recommend Officers for the new raised Troops, prescedents equally unjustifiable & impolitic, but which were to serve two purposes, to cajole the people & to embarrass a future Governor. From these considerations joined to an information I received that the Assembly intended to address me at the instance of Mr Little their Speaker in such a manner as would lay me under difficulties in case I found a dissolution requisite--which I had strong reason to believe would be the case from the dislike of the people which they were preparing to testify by addresses from the different districts—& finding a recess would be agreeable at this Season of the Year after so long a Sitting I thought it prudent to adjourn them for a Month, & do intend to adjourn them further as I find it expedient.
It behoves me to be very circumspect in what steps I take otherwise I shall soon find myself intangled in some very untoward transactions that neither quadrate with my own views nor those of Government. Such is the affair of Bosomworths claims,3 which I suspect great pains have been insidously taken to establish from very selfish motives. At the conferences with the Indians they were present, & treated respectfully. Insnaring questions were asked that led to the desired answers. All possible countenance was given them in the inquiry made in consequence of your Lordships directions and it is even suggested, not without some appearance of reason, that a charge was made upon the Bench & Mr Little chosen to preside there with a view to facilitate the establishment of these peoples pretensions at the approaching Tryal. But I shall take care to defeat this design by appointing two honest men as Judges in the room of Mr Little, & another who were improperly commissioned by Mr. Reynolds, My Lords there are a hundred occasions that daily evince the urgent necessity of a Chief Justice from England sufficiently qualified for that important imployment. Nothing can be more irregular & unprescedented than the proceedings of our Courts owing to the ignorance & partiality of those who have hitherto presided. Everything is precarious in such a Situation. We find here a Councillor prosecuting a man for Scandalum Magnatum; the Speaker of the Assembly is presented by the Grand Jury among other Nuisances; & a person was actually hanged two days before the time fixed by the Judges as a specimen of the Governors superior power.
Whilst I am mentioning the inconveniences that abound here I think I ought not to omit the following very material one namely that many Lots of the best Land in the Province lie vacant in consequence of claims that are said to exist & were derived from a verbal Cession of Mr Oglethorpe. The Claimants themselves have not attempted to establish their pretensions nor complied with any one condition in the Royal instruction.4 They do not reside here nor is it well known where they are but it is probable they are lying at lurch until contiguous lands [are] improved & the value of those they claim raised thereby. By this means the settling of the Province is retarded & a considerable part of the quit Rents lost. I therefore humbly beg leave to propose to your Lordships whether it would not be proper to summon these people in the London Gazette, in that of South Carolina & by advertisements here to put in their claims & prove their rights within a given time to prevent the lands being forfeited and regranted. I presume nothing can be more equitable, & certainly nothing more immediately necessary therefore I shall impatiently expect your Lordships opinion of, & instructions concerning it. For by the steps I intend taking which upon a future occasion I shall communicate to your Lordships. I make no doubt but we shall soon have a great influx of Inhabitants.
The alarms to the Northward & other circumstance, seem to favor such an expectation.
Upon this occasion I cannot help expressing my surprise that the Acadians which were sent here were not better disposed of than to be suffered to leave the Province. Out of near 400 that arrived only about 100 remain some of which are dispersed among the Plantations & others have built themselves huts near this Town & are very useful to the Colony as they employ themselves in making Oars hand spikes & other implements for sea Craft that are immediately brought up & sent to the Islands where they meet with a good market.5
I am informed by Mr Reynolds that your Lordships have had transmitted you an Account of a encounter that happened on the River Ogechee between some of our Settlers & a party of the Creek Indians wherein two of the latter were killed. This untoward accident had near involved the Province in a Cruel war with them. All the Creek Nations were alarmed & on our side a general consternation prevailed. With advice of the Council Mr. Reynolds resolved to raise some Troops for the defence of the Province. In consequence of which Officers were commissioned & one Troop of Rangers begun to be lured but was not quite completed when a Conference with the Indians produced a temporary pacification. To this succeeded fresh causes of alarm for from several quarters advices were received of a design meditated by the French against these Provinces. This produced an Address from the General Assembly entreating the Governor to provide for their defence which is said to have occasioned orders to be issued to build another Scout Boat, & raising two more Troops of Rangers.
But no part of this was actually put into execution at the time it was known here that I had landed at Charles Town. Then every thing was precipitated. Officers were named & every other step taken that could deprive me of the means of obliging any person in the execution of this measure should it take place. Things were in this Situation when I arrived at Savannah, & I was reduced to the dilemma either of cancelling this proceeding, commenced upon very substantial & pressing considerations, or risking the continuation of it upon my own Credit—notwithstanding an instruction that directs us to undertake no military operations without the Concurrence of the Commander in Chief.
But reflecting that this was an exigence wherein that could not be obtained, & that disbanding the men already raised might be attended with bad consequences, as well as being very unpopular, since the people here would have concluded that they were to be abandoned to the mercy of their Invaders. I judged it most eligible to let things remain as they were until His Majesty’s pleasure, or the opinion of Lord Loudoun6 upon this affair should be known. I was induced the more to this by a Letter I had from his Lordship, wherein he acknowledges the acceptance of some Bills drawn on him by Mr Reynolds for the raising & support of these Troops, without blaming or approving the measure itself by desiring that no more should be drawn upon him till the purposes for which they are drawn be signified whence I would infer that his Lordship has not been so fully informed upon this subject as he had a right to expect.
Before I received the honor of his letter I had wrote his Lordship one notifying my arrival & containing the best account I was able to give of the state of this Province together with the particulars relative to these Troops & begged a positive & precise instruction concerning them. But as the Men already raised being about 40 must be subsisted the Captain takes this upon himself depending upon the honor of the Government for his reimbursement requiring only Certificates of me of the Service. My Lords whatever motives of a foreign nature might induce Mr Reynolds to raise this force there are other very weighty considerations that prove the necessity of it at this juncture when danger threatens us from every quarter. The sources of all our embroils with the Indians are the irregularities committed by the Indian Traders and the out Settlers; & how can we prevent these disorders without some coercive means of bringing Offenders to justice? The Laws at present are insufficient for this purpose & will be so without a Military Force whilst we are so thinly peopled & whilst so many find their Account in disobeying them. To this weakness & insecurity may in a great measure be imputed the little progress this Colony has made, notwithstanding the great & frequent helps it has had from England, for in a Country that is exposed to every kind of outrage & injustice within & from without to every sort of depredation & attack how can we expect that people will trust themselves of their property? Incessantly uneasy, incessantly in alarm, no person that has anything to lose or is exempt from the terrors of a Jail will come among us. Besides, the Indians, excited by the French, allured by the prospect of advantage & having no reason to dread our resentment from a knowledge of our debility, will practise every species of enormity whilst it can be done with impunity.
The Sum of all this will prove to your Lordship beyond dispute how indispensable necessary it is to have some kind of military force in this province not only to preserve its inward tranquillity but to defend itself & the other provinces to which it must be considered as a barrier against such powerful neighbours as the French, Spaniards, & two of the most formidable of the Indian Nations. At present we enjoy a sort of Calm. We hear of no settled plan among the Indians to attack us, altho’ we are convinced they are not entirely satisfied with us. For some time past it is said they have been ill supplied by the French and this may be one of the causes, why the late quarrel was so easily accommodated & that they remain quiet. When I came here I found Acouthla one of the Chiefs of the Lower Creek Nation with several of his people who had been many days in Town without being taken any notice of by Mr Reynolds. I thought this was a time that could not justify such a neglect. They were in great want of provisions which induced me to order them an immediate supply, which was received with very singular marks of satisfaction. I then appointed a day to have a conference with them before the Council & upon that occasion urged every thing I was capable of to fix them in our interest & excite them to annoy our enemies & what I said made such an impression that Acouthla told me he had 100 Warriors at our Service; that he had given proof of his love to the English in the late War; and that he was glad of this occasion to renew them for which purpose he requested a Captains Commission. I readily gave him one together with a drum, flag, gun, hatchet, & a few other presents to himself and his followers & acquainted them that we would give 20 shillings for every scalp of our Enemies & 40 shillings for every prisoner. I did this with the advice of the Council whom I convinced of the expediency of it. All this was highly pleasing to the Indians & as they set out immediately for their own Country, I sent by them a Salutation to the Chiefs of the Creek Nation & signified my intention of seeing them so soon as some presents which I expected from England should arrive.
Thoroughly convinced of the importance of standing well with these people I shall exert every means & employ every art that contribute to that end. It were greatly to be wished that those little forts which were intended to secure our frontier such as Augusta upon this River & Argyle upon the Ogechee, as well as the fortifications on the Islands towards the Spaniards were put into a defensible condition. At present they are quite in ruins & are rather marks of our weakness than power. Was it practicable to raise a fund for this purpose here I would very gladly attempt it nor should I despair of effecting it but the poverty of this Province makes it impossible. Nevertheless poor as we are we are not without hands & I will endeavor to direct them to the execution of a plan that I have formed of raising a little fort here out of the wretched materials we have but which may enable us to make a short stand, & be some cover against any sudden attack by Sea or incursion of the Indians. For at this place where we are most liable to be hurt by the enemy no one Work has been constructed towards its defence save a little platform on which are 4 small Guns improperly called a Battery; as its situation is such that it neither covers the Town nor could obstruct any armed Vessels coming up the River should such an attempt be made. Yet however useless this is it has been sufficiently expensive.
The Representation of the defenceless state of this Province that has been transmitted to your Lordships by Mr Reynolds is true as far as I can judge, & the plan proposed by Mr Debrahme7 of fortifying the Province is judiciously concerted but so expensive that I despair of seeing it suddenly carried into execution. All therefore we can reasonably expect is what is absolutely & immediately necessary such as the reparation of fort Augusta, Argyle and Frederica, with two or three Troops of Irregulars which I hope your Lordships will see the necessity of & I doubt not will use your instances to obtain.
As soon as that spirit of contention has subsided which has long disturbed the minds of the people here, & that I have taken the necessary precautions against any exigence that may happen in my absence, I intend making a tour of the Province. I have a double view in this journey—one to inspect those places that are judged most proper to be fortified; the other to examine a spot that is esteemed a very proper situation for the Capital. The former is very material for the safety of the Province, & the latter no less concerns its interior prosperity. The spot I mean is Hardwicke8 in regard to which different interests operate & consequently produce different opinions though all agree in condemning our present situation which indeed is a healthy one & that is all that can be said for it. Being upon the extremity it is exceedingly ill supplied & very inconvenient for Trade & for the communication of the Inhabitants that are widely dispersed over the province. Besides the Lands contiguous to it are barren & the River shallow & intricate. These natural disadvantages joined to the uncertainty of continuing here have for some years past deterred any one from building new or repairing old houses. Its vicinity to Charles Town has prevented it from having any commerce of its own for from thence the people here are usually supplied. Hence it is that there has been so little encouragement for Merchants to come here. The few that are settled among us having but a small vent for their goods are obliged to sell at a high advance to the great detriment of the poorer sort of Inhabitants. Hence it is that Carolina drains us of all the little specie that comes here, & the real value of the Province is concealed by its Commodities being sent thither to discharge our Debts & going home as the produce of that Colony. For the exports from thence are annually increasing, & will encrease as the people seem to have got into a right tract. This Province has been strangely misrepresented; it is evidently capable of great improvement; it abounds with the finest Rivers imaginable; the Lands in general are good & have already afforded specimens—& those very large ones—of the best Indico made in North America. The raising of Silk seems to be no longer a matter of curiosity. It employs many poor people, & is approaching towards a Staple. Had there been a sufficient quantity of seed this year a great deal of silk would have been produced as numbers seem to engage in it eagerly from an experience of its benefit.
I have visited the fillature here & found it much out of repair, & standing in need of several material alterations such as moving the pans & sinking a Well. Mr Otterlinghe9 seems very capable and is zealous & active in his department. It is a pleasure to do business with such men. He convinced me how much these alterations were wanting & undertakes the inspection & management of the masons who are already begun to work. Mr. Boltzias the Minister of Ebenezer is very solicitous that the fillature there should be employed as he thinks it would conduce to extend a knowledge of the art at present too much confined. Mr. Otterlinghe admits this but insists that it is too soon to employ two fillatures before there is a sufficient quantity of Cocoons to supply one. Many Arguments are offered on both sides to support their opinions & induce me to take part in this matter; but not thinking myself well qualified to decide, & having no instruction about it I have thought proper to refer them to your Lordships. Your Lordships were pleased to direct me to report my opinion upon the Bill relative to the paper Currency that has been issued here. As it is a matter of great concernment to the Inhabitants of this Province, I am taking the most effectual method to obtain their judgments upon it by sending circular notes to the principal people desiring their sentiments which when they come to hand I shall transmit to your Lordships together with my own.
In the multiplicity of business that necessarily crowds in upon me in the commencement of my Administration your Lordships will be so indulgent as to excuse any inaccuaracy you may meet with & my silence upon some things that I reserve for a future occasion. And if in the course of this long Letter where many characters are necessarily introduced there should appear any thing harsh or severe your Lordships will be pleased to ascribe it to that candour & regard for truth which I hope I shall always preserve & which your Lordships have the utmost right to expect from me. I have a variety of designs in my own mind which have for their object the utility & happiness of this Colony. But perhaps it would be premature to enter upon them before I am qualified to judge of their practicability & whether they are well or ill adapted to our circumstances. This knowledge can only be derived from experience & that requires time.
My Lords I was just going to put a period to this long Letter, when I was interrupted by a visit from Mr Little, who among other things had the insolence to insinuate to me that if I had any design of dissolving the Assembly the consequences I might expect from such a step would be defeated inasmuch as he had taken measures to have the same men rechosen. I do not think myself at liberty to act as a private man nor to gratify my indignation at the expense of the public tranquillity otherwise we should try titles. I am in hopes I shall be able to effect my designs by gentler methods. ‘Tis yet a moot point with me whether in a political light the Members of this Assembly ought not to be considered as delinquents for I do not find that they have committed any Constitutional Offence. All that can be apprehended from them is an opposition to my measures in order to justify the conduct of their friends lately in power, & to whom they certainly owe some regard since 11 of the 19 Members have been distinguished by such places of honor & trusts as this Governement affords. However ‘tis possible they may be more tractable than is imagined especially as whatever I shall propose, will be most apparently for their own good. But if they should be obstinate or fractiously inclined I think a way has to be found of getting rid of them without appearing to act from resentment.
In the Instructions it is recommended to divide as soon as possible into Counties this province, & to make a distribution of the Representatives conformable to that division. This a regulation that will at all times be popular & is now earnestly wished for & of which as may avail ourselves in case of need, for whenever it takes place a dissolution will naturally follow. Altho’ the Kings instructions recommend this measure they do not point out by what method it is to be done whether at the will of the Governor solely or with the advice of Council. I should be glad your Lordships would explain this in the first letter you honor me with, & as I flatter myself I have proved clearly the necessity of removing the Seat of Government to a better situation, I am in great hopes your Lordships will enable me to do this as soon as possible Since it can be done with much less inconvenience or injury to any person at present than some time hence when greater improvements are made here. The only obstruction to our immediate removal is want of money for the construction of the public buildings. £ 2,000, I apprehend would be sufficient, as a Church, Court House & Jail are the only ones wanting. These that we have here are so ruinous as to be in a manner past repair so that this expense must take place either here or there forthwith.
And my Lords it is not possible that a fund for this purpose might be found out of the Savings of the Silk Money? Our Church is so decayed that were the props which surround it knocked away it must inevitably tumble to the Ground at once; & the public prison is shocking to humanity. It is scarce 15 feet Square & filled with Felons Debtors &c. promiscuously, & being quite exposed to the scorching Suns of this Climate & often much crowded, the filth and vermin that these occasion is intolerable.
P.S. The Allegations set forth in your Lordships Representation to the King in reference to Mr Reynolds conduct to wit that he has permitted Mr & Mrs Bosomworth to be present at the interview with the Indians at Augusta had appointed his own menial Servant to the place of Provost Marshal & Mr Littles to that of Searcher for this Port, I find upon enquiry are strictly true.
Henry Ellis to the Board of Trade, March 20, 1757, Georgia, read April 5, 1758, C.O. 5/646, C. 25, reporting on events since his conveyance of March 11, 1757.
My Lords
I have wrote by two Conveyance the most ample account I could collect of the present state of things in this province, & as nothing has occurred worth mentioning since I forwarded these dispatches I must beg leave to refer your Lordships to them & only say in general that after so violent a ferment as I found this province in on my arrival we are now perfectly quiet; faction loses ground daily and I hope will disappear with its authors.
We have had no late alarm from the Indians I even flatter myself that they will not be suddenly troublesome at least we are not yet informed of any settled plan for that purpose. But in times so precerious as these there can be no security but what arises from the utmost vigilance & attention to every object that can possibly occasion disturbance. This I shall bear constantly in mind, & I hope not unprofitably. From our exposed condition we have every thing to apprehend, & I doubt not but your Lordships are so thoroughly convinced of this & of the importance of this frontier Colony not only from the Representation of it but from the other lights that your Lordships have been long possessed of, that something will soon be undertaken for its security.
I find my Lords that people claim as a right 50 Acres of Land for every person in family, whites or blacks, by which means as their Stocks encrease their Lands will encrease also to an exorbitant extent which I presume never was the intention of his Majesty, especially as people do not think themselves obliged to cultivate any part of the additional Lands they take up but are contented with cultivating so much more of their Old Lands as they ought by their Grants to cultivate of the New; until it suits their own conveniency to enter upon the new Lands.
By this means particular people will not only soon get possession of immense Tracts of Lands but a great part of them will be suffered a long time to lye waste, directly contrary to the Interest of the Colony. And as this practice may in time become a great inconvenience I am humbly of opinion that some methods should immediately be taken to prevent. Suppose my Lords the family rights as they call it or pretensions more properly should end when it exceeds 50 or any other number or suppose that each person in family above the number prescribed should be entitled to 10, 20 &c. Acres only. This is a regulation of such moment that I dare not attempt anything towards it, without your Lordships express commands.
Herewith I send two Addresses [not received] from the principal Inhabitants of this Colony that will explain themselves, & will account for Mr Reynolds staying here so long after my arrival. The substance of them is; that whereas Mr Reynolds & Mr Little have been underhand collecting Affidavits & certificates to invalidate the charges against them. Your Lordships are requested to postpone the Tryal until their Accusers can have an opportunity of procuring wherewithal to support their allegations, which indeed might easily be done, as I find they are in general true; but my private opinion is that these people will think no further about it for they are extremely indolent & unconnected.
Henry Ellis to the Board of Trade, May 5, 1757, Savannah, read Nov. 8, 1757, C.O. 5/646, C. 3, his visit to the southern parts of the province.
My Lords
The last letter I did myself the honour to write to your Lordships was dated the 20th of March, Since which many matters have occurred but none of great importance and yet too much so, not to be mentioned.
In my last I acquainted your Lordships that I intended visiting the Southern parts of this Province which I have since done & was not a little gratified by the state of things there.
I examined very minutely the principal rivers & found that called the Great Ogechee to have advantages much superior to any of the others. Its entrance is so deep as conveniently to admit of Fifty Gun Ships & would be a very proper station for our Men of War intended to intercept the french Vessels returning from the Mississipi. The spot that is thought proper to build the Capital upon is about 12 Miles up & very well adapted as your Lordships will see by the Carte10 I transmit herewith. It is of a proper heighth, dry, & consequently healthy, an excellent soil for Gardens & the Lands contiguous are rich & well settled. Its Situation is very capable of being fortified, the Harbour is excellent, & the Ships by a circumstance peculiar may be preserved from the worm as on one side of the Peninsula the water is fresh & free from those destructive reptiles.
There are many other convenient rivers or inlets such as Midway, Newport, Sappelo, & St Simons that must in time greatly facilitate the commerce & navigation of this Province.
The Lands towards the Southern frontier are abundantly more fertile than those near Savannah. Many good Settlements are already made there by people of a very sober and industrious turn that came from Carolina but being greatly in debt are not yet in a capacity of contributing much to the support of the Colony, though in such a likely way of extricating themselves from these difficulties as can hardly fail unless some publick calamity prevents it.
In my journey I met with many Parties of Indians that were hunting with whom I had much conservation. They seemed well disposed towards us, tho’ they are apt to commit little disorders, such as killing of Cattle & frightening the Inhabitants, which it is next to impossible to prevent, so long as there appears no power amongst us capable of restraining them, & they claim the Lands that are above the flowing of the Tides, 11 which if they cannot be induced to relinquish, must greatly straiten us that way. I think it would be possible to bring this about if we were authorized to undertake it, had a sufficient quantity of presents, & watched a proper Season. And until it is effected it is much to be feared that our Back Settlers will always be harassed by them.
Whilst I was in those parts I accidently saw that odd character Gray, who occasioned so much disturbance here at Mr Reynold’s arrival & whose Settlement since on the South of the Alatamaha excited some fears that he would embroil us with the Spaniards.12 Your Lordships have heard that the Governor of St Augustine had sent a party of horse to threaten him with ill treatment if he continued there, which so terrified him that he removed to Cumberland’s Island, whence after a short stay he returned, & has since entered into a connection with one Alexander a very bold sensible fellow, who has long dwelt, & acquired a great influence among the Lower Creek Indians that reside towards the Bay of Apalachee.13 By Grays management this fellow has prevailed upon some of the chiefs of these people to go to Augustine & threaten the Spaniards with a War, if for the future they presume to molest or disturb those Settlers. Intimidated by these menaces & alarmed by some of the indian irregularitys, the Governor has sent to invite Gray & Alexander to settle upon the River St Johns, & establish an indian trade under his protection, promising to furnish them amply with proper goods from New York.
This proposition Gray took an opportunity of communicating to me & of shewing me letters relative thereto from one Fish who resides at that fortress14 & is Agent to a Company at New York that supplies the Garrison with provisions. He had conceived an opinion that this permission would tend to preserve our claim to the Lands on this side of that River provided he traded there with my License. But to me it seemed a dangerous experiment, as it would afford an opportunity to the Spaniards of practicing on these Savages, of removing their old prejudices & fixing a good correspondence with them, and from their natural fickleness, of bringing them even to change sides, an event that could not fail of pernicious consequences. Under these apprehensions, joined to my fear that Gray might turn Traitor, I have urged every sort of argument to dissuade him from this design & as his activity will prompt him to some other enterprize. I have proposed to him to fix upon the River St Mary’s opposite to Fort William & assured him of all manner of countenance so long as he behaves well. To this he has agreed and I have granted him a License to trade with the Indians who inhabit thereabouts which must be very advantageous to him, as that place is nearer the center of the Creek Country than even Augusta & he now seems inclined to quit the character of Legislator, which he has long assumed, for that of a Merchant. He is a shrewd sensible fellow & affects an austerity of manners by which he has acquired a considerable influence among the people of this Colony & made some impression upon the Indians & if he can be managed may prove an useful instrument in many respects. I cannot but admire the address of the Spanish Governor.15 He seems to be a man of excellent understanding, and to pursue a plan of sound policy. He has taken infinite pains to gain the friendship of the Indians, by a conduct full of uprightness & generosity. But their aversions are not easily conquered; he has had recourse to every justifiable art, but hitherto unprofitably.
Had this taken effect it would have been a master stroke, as indeed is another that he is actually putting into execution. I mean that of drawing & settling about Augustine, in hopes they will cover him from the Indians, many of our Back Settlers who fly for crimes, and from the disturbances to the Northward.
But I do not despair of counteracting him by means of Gray & his Partner who frequently go thither & are well received by the Governor from a knowledge of their consequence. This is one of the uses I intend to make of them. Another will be to furnish us with early intelligence, which they may easily do as they will be a kind of advanced party, not to say Barrier against the Spaniards & their Indian Allies of Florida.
There has been another extraordinary fellow with me lately, one Moor a Man of distinguished valour, who asks a Commission to go up, no purchase no pay, with about fifty resolute fellows, good marksmen, his Colleagues, to join the Chickassaws against the French.16 His intention is to intercept their boats, in which when the floods have subsided, about the latter end of July, they carry goods from their Settlements on the Bay of Mexico, to supply that chain of Forts that extends behind our Colonys.
I do not know how far this Maurauder might facilitate Lord Loudoun’s designs, as hitherto I have not been acquainted with them sufficiently to judge; but my own opinion is, that his scheme can have no bad consequences. Nevertheless I suspect encouraging him until I have consulted Govr Lyttleton.
My Lords I have been fully employed of late in examining the interior state of this Province in regard to its Revenue & Debts, its Militia its Laws &c. & on a careful survey have found every thing in great disorder. Your Lordships are already acquainted with what passed here in 1755 when the conduct of Mr Little created such general disgust, that the Assembly attempted to inquire into it, but were prevented by their dissolution at the beginning of the Session; whereby no taxes were imposed for that year, while the expenses of the Government were going on; and when the next assembly met it was found impossible from the poverty of the people to provide for more than one years expenses at once.
By this means the Province was burdened with a heavy debt which occasioned great embarrassment. This Mr Little took advantage of by instigating the Assembly to usurp the power of auditing the accounts & issuing the publick money, a Measure that at one stroke put our Assembly on the footing of that of Carolina and subverted that check which ought to subsist for curbing the proceedings of that body. Not satisfied with this usurpation he betrayed extreme partiality in the execution of it. He allowed of (for this Assembly was led by him) the Accounts of his Creatures only, which he contrived to pay out of the contingent money, granted by Parliament, & rejected & tore those of his Opponents, tho examined & passed by the Governor in Council. By these & other unjustifiable steps he increased his interest with the Assembly, & procured the Address & Representation of the State of the Province, which he has carried with him for his Masters and his own vindication. I need not anticipate your Lordships reflections upon these proceedings, which were surely unauthorized by the Royal instruction, incompatible with our Constitution; and pregnant with numerous & great inconveniences, as we daily experience. However I believe I shall be able to extricate the Government from these difficulties & even prevent the like hereafter.
But ere I explain myself upon this point I must enter into a detail concerning the Paper Currency. Your Lordships were pleased to direct me to report my opinion of the expediency of establishing it here by Law. I have not been hasty in doing this lest I should mistake; & until I had made a tryal of what might be done without it. The sum of my Enquirys upon this subject convence me that such a Medium is absolutely necessary here owing to the great scarcity of Gold & Silver. If I am not mistaken your Lordships were acquainted that these people of their own accord & without the royal authority, did issue £2700 in paper Bills, by way of Loan upon the security of Lands & Negroes, which at present is almost the only money current amongst us. Yet tho’ the issuing of this was thought necessary & connived at by the late Governor, he took so little care to support it or rather took so great pains to depreciate it, by refusing it in fees, & for Bills of Exchange &c that at my arrival it passed exceeding heavily, & bore a very large discount. But so soon as I was convinced that paper money was requisite, I resolved to try whether this might not be put on a good footing, & accordingly made a Declaration that I would receive all my Perquisites in currency, & would give the Bills of Exchange to be drawn for the Silk & contingent money in lieu of it alone & not in specie, which gave it an immediate activity. Now my Lords this will not only serve as a Medium to carry on traffick which was indispensable, but it will destroy the credit of a number of paper Bills issued by private people & what is more important will yield a considerable Revenue arising from the interest it produces, which being unappropriated will likewise afford a means of discharging our Debt. The Scheme I have formed is this.
To issue £350 more (the amount of it) with which I shall pay the public creditors & apply the interest of that already circulating to sink this sum, which it will do in three years, & a half as it yields about £100 per annum. The Taxes of the present year will answer the services of the same, or if there be any deficiency we shall lay on a small addition to answer it. And to prevent for the future our being ever reduced to a like dilemma, I propose to imitate the practise of England, by laying an Estimate of the necessary expenses every year before the Assembly that they may raise money & appropriate it accordingly. Whereby we shall avoid the inconveniences that are felt by the neighbouring Governments, the great evil of running in debt, & the publick Creditors will be paid without partiality or delay.
I cannot but lament my Lords that considering all the inconveniences that naturally result from the want of a proper frame of Government that the ablest men were not sent originally to these Countrys for its establishment. For my own part I tremble at every step I take lest the errors that may flow from my inexperience should be a sourse of future embarrassment and contention. These considerations make me more impatient for the arrival of our Chief Justice of whose abilities I might avail myself.
The Assembly have not met since my arrival, but have been adjourned & prorogued from time to time that I might have leisure to settle my plan conformable to the disposition of the people which I have taken great pains to get acquainted with. I have now determined to call them together the 16th of June for a short Sitting, as it will be a busy time of the year. I propose the passing of three Acts only, the heads of which are already prepared, that is to say, One for the execution of my Scheme to pay off the provincial Debt, Another for employing the hands intended for opening the Roads, to the construction of some places of defence; and a Third for affording an Asylum for seven years against their Creditors to all persons in distressed circumstances, save such as come from that part of Carolina only that lies to the Northward of us. This exception is requisite to prevent the ill uses that might be made by the people residing there, who would have it in their power to contract Debts one day, & elude the Laws, & their Creditors the next by flying into Georgia. It will also prevent any provincial altercation, & hinder the people of that Colony from making an opposition to this Bill, as it will shew a disposition to be just to them, while we are endeavoring to serve ourselves & manifest an equal regard to Debtor & Creditor, since people from the more distant provinces will have sufficient time to pursue their Debtors, whom if they could not overtake in passing such a wide extent of Country as that of South Carolina, probably would not overtake them at all. But the main object of this Act is the Speedy peopling of the Colony, by drawing a number of Insolvents from the neutral islands of Santa Croix & Eustatia; where they have fled for shelter, & those also in the Northern provinces who are in like circumstances: And not to weaken our Neighbours which in effect would be gaining nothing, as it would divide the power without augmenting it.
We already begin to apprehend that we shall have more people than we can furnish with good Lands, for the Indians, imagining that all above the flowing of the Tides are theirs, consider any Settlement thereupon, without their leave, as a trespass, which they have a right to punish by plundering so that we are considerably confined Westward, since the tides do not flow above 30 Miles up where the Lands are more fruitful, & tempt people to plans without liberty. These Savages would have had no idea of fixing our limits that way had it not been put into their heads by Bosomworth who laid claim to those lands that lie behind us, & I am assured encouraged them to destroy the Cattle they found there. He is a most mischievous, crafty, & obstinate fellow & his practices have so much intimidated people here, that although at the late Courts he was afraid to try his title, from the measures I took to render abortive the ill designs that had been concerted before my arrival it is doubtful with me whether our people would have dared to decide against him, thro’ fear of the troubles he might create by means of the Indians, with whom he keeps up an influence by insinuating that he is the Guardian of their Interests, which however without more substantial means would avail little. But he frequently makes them presents, & treats them kindly at his House, where he encourages them to come, & this he is enabled to do by one Levi a Jew, who resides to the Northward & who has given him a thousand pounds for half of the Lands, he claims, and for half of the profits of the residue which are leased to him for fifteen years. This connection joined to the encouragement he had from the late Governor has been, I imagine, the principal cause of his persisting so obstinately in his pretensions. From the little countenance he has had from me & what has reached his ears that I have said concerning the precariousness of his Title, & the improbability of his ever reaping any advantage from it; it is likely if a Compromise was thought necessary we should find him sufficiently tractable. And my Lords it were earnestly to be wished that some expedient might be fallen upon, to put an end to this thorny affair, either by way of equivalent, by confirming to him a part of what he claims, or by any other method that your Lordships wisdom may suggest, as this Colony in my opinion can never be exempt from apprehensions while it subsists. In my tour Southwards I took a view of the Islands Ossebaw, St Catherines & Sappelo, which indeed are very fine & worth contending for as they are said to contain near 40,000 of the best land in the province which unfortunately must be waste till this contest be ended.
Whilst I am so anxious about extending our frontier, I am not less attentive in distributing to the best advantage the Lands we have already. The monopolizing large tracts has been the common misfortune of these provinces. The people here are aiming at the same thing. Many purchase considerable quantitys & then apply to me in Council for their family right as they call it. As some of the Councillors themselves have a passion for this practice, I find it difficult to restrain it, so that I humbly conceive that if your Lordships were pleased to give me a positive instruction to grant no lands to any person possessing above a certain quantity, say 1, 2 or 3,000 Acres whether obtained by grant or purchase, it would give no material umbrage & could not fail of the best effects, by multiplying the Plantations, & consequently affording maintenance to a greater number of people.
In a former letter I took the liberty to represent to your Lordships the grievance that this province labors under from the quantity of Lands reserved for Absentees, or others who have never qualified themselves to hold them by the performance of any one condition requisite, & whose names are only known by tradition, there being no Register of their Titles. I must now beg leave to remind your Lordships of it by a particular instance that affects the people of this Town very severely as well as others. Among the many visionary ideas that Mr Oglethorpe entertained this was not the least absurd. He imagined that people here might subsist & even become affluent upon such small parcels of Land, as the little farms in England, which is absolutely impossible. The Lands themselves are different, as well as the nature of the culture, the produce & the climate. But rivetted to this chimaera, he established many little Townships, and minced all the lands round them into whimsical figures of five, and forty five Acres which he put people in possession of by a written order directed to the Constable.
A proclamation was published by Mr Reynolds at his arrival, enjoyning Claimants to confirm their Titles, by new Grants from the Crown, which induced many people to do so; but numbers have omitted it. Hence it follows that for five Miles round, being the extent of this Township, it is checquered with Lots, that have & have not apparant Owners. The Lots themselves are too small for a Plantation, & cannot be enlarged by obtaining a Grant or even purchase of those adjoining, till their property be ascertained, so that this Tract which ought to supply the Town with Necessarys lies uncultivated & must continue so until your Lordships find out a remedy. Since my arrival here some people of property have come in, & many more are expected, from a belief that measures different from those hitherto pursued will take place.
Abundance of Grants have lately been taken out & probably will continue to be applied for so that good Lands & convenient situations must soon become scarce which makes me more earnest to have it in my power to grant such as are vacant. I mean those said to belong to absentees, which are now useless, and even detrimental to the province, as they separate the inhabitants & consequently weaken them, as well as encrease their labour upon the publick roads &c; an evil that ought to be attended to, whilst the people are so poor & so involved with their neighbours of Carolina; that their utmost industry affords them but a scanty subsistence & a small surplus that goes thither to pay their Debts. If we can forbear burdening them with publick services & taxes, a little time will free them from their incumbrances & accelerate the prosperity of the Province. This consideration makes me cautious of attempting many things highly necessary but which cannot be done without money. The publick Buildings are in a ruinous condition. The Light House at the Entrance of this River--an Edifice raised at a vast expense & become extremely necessary for the commerce of these two provinces--is upon the point of tumbling down. Many fruitless remonstrances were made upon this subject to the late Governor. It was intended that the Pilot residing there should have a house built at the public charge, without which it was scarce possible for him to continue. This has been resolved upon in Council, but like many other useful things neglected. These remonstrances were renewed to me & the facts sufficiently supported to convince me that there was an immediate necessity to take measures in consequence of them. I therefore advertised my intention of repairing the Light House & building a dwelling house for the Pilot & desired those that were willing to undertake them to send in their proposals sealed to me in Council. At the same time I signified that those whose proposals were most reasonable should be preferred. This had a good effect in convincing the publick that I will not proceed on partial & jobbing principles. And the work will be done cheap as we have been able to contract for £ 150 to defray which there is about £70 in the hands of the Treasurer produced by an impost upon Shipping appropriated for that service. The deficiency I shall be able to make up out of about £130, the remains of some money belonging to the Trustees, which I found in the hands of some of their old Servants; a very seasonable discovery in our circumstances. I cannot without indignation & surprise reflect upon the conduct of my Predecessor, in telling the Assembly in his Speech at their last Meeting that the taxes would be sufficient for the publick service when at the same time if he knew anything he could not be ignorant that the publick were indebted double the annual Revenue or how he could think of leaving this province to me in such embarrassed circumstances after having practised every kind of art to prevent my having any influence that might be directed towards its relief.
For every publick Office that either existed or were likely to be established, were filled with his Creatures, even when he knew of my arrival in America. Yet I am in hopes that if this was intended to answer any sinister purpose it will be defeated, & that I shall be able to furnish the people here with better reasons for assisting me than those of a private, partial, or mercenary nature.
I have just been Regimenting the Militia, which before consisted of independant Companys, without connection, without subordination & without discipline. This step has afforded me an opportunity of gratifying some worthy men, who are vain of Military Titles, of putting the Militia in a condition of being useful & I may add of establishing a right that Mr Reynolds intended giving up to the Assembly that of appointing the Officers.
I have made a few alterations in the Publick Offices by bringing in a pretty good man as Deputy Clerk of the Council, & a very good one, Mr Thomas Burrington, to act as Clerk of the Assembly in the room of wretched Tools. Mr John Graham who is known to some of your Lordships, I have named to the place of Clerk of the accounts & indian Commissary, in the room of Mr Little. I have made some other petty regulations, not worth your Lordships notice; but I hope the whole of these movements have been directed by a regard to integrity, & ability only & have therefore excited no jealousy or umbrage.
We have lately had Mr Stephens here to instruct us in his method of making Pot Ash which he exhibited before many of the principal Inhabitants & succeeded so far as to evince that it was practicable. Tis certain this Manufacture can be attempted no where with a greater prospect of advantage than in this Country, which has determined several of our Planters to make a tryal. I hear that Mr Atkin17 is just arrived at Charlestown from the Northward. If it is not improper I should be glad your Lordships would condescend to explain to me the nature of his instructions, that I may be qualified to act properly in case I should have any correspondence with him.
Scarce a Week passes but we are visited by Gangs of Indians, led here by an expectation of receiving presents in consequence of the change of Government. We treat them in the best manner we are able, furnishing them with provisions some promises, a few presents & a great many fair words, & upon the whole have so managed that none have left us discontented. I hope the presents from England will soon arrive for tho’ it is possible to retain these people in good humour for some little time by such methods yet they cannot be practised long with success.
I mention at the beginning of this letter that I send herewith a Carte of the Sea Coast, & some of the principal rivers of this province. But reflecting that if it should fall into the hands of the enemy it might have extreme bad consequences, I do not venture to send it, until I can have a safe conveyance by a Man of War which I expect will soon offer. In the meantime I hope that this will not prevent your Lordships from deciding as to the expediency of removing the Seat of Government, as things here will be in a great measure at a stand until that point be determined.
Perhaps it may not be improper to repeat that if this alteration is to take place £ 2,000 at least will be wanting for the construction of the Publick Buildings. Could the saving from the Silk money be applied to this purpose they would go a great way & any deficiency might be made up, out of the produce of a Vessel lately condemned here to his Majesty by Mr Reynolds, said to amount to six or eight hundred pounds of which doubtless he can give your Lordships an exact account.
I have wrote several letters to Lord Loudoun touching the situation of things here, to none of which I have yet received any answer, but which I am in daily expectation of, & not a little impatient about, as the credit of our Captain of the Rangers, is stretched to the utmost, to subsist the few men who were raised here in Mr Reynolds time. I shall not here repeat what I have already wrote concerning the condition this province is in of making a defence should it be attacked, but only add that I have no reason to contradict the substance of my former letters upon this subject.
From this long letter your Lordships will see in what manner I have been occupied.
Could I flatter myself that my endeavors would be productive of the smallest publick utility, or gain your Lordships approbation I should think myself extremely happy.
John Reynolds to Board of Trade, May 19, 1757, Bayonne, France, read June 7, 1757, C.O. 5/645, B. 40, explaining his capture by a French privateer and asking the Board to intercede on his behalf.
My Lords
In obedience to Your Lordships Commands I Embarked for England on board the Charming Martha Capt. Thomson, and after a tedious Passage as far as the Soundings of the Channel, had the Misfortune to be taken by a French Privateer of Thirty Six Guns, who sent me a Prisoner into this Port. I have no doubt but your Lordships Generosity and Compassion will induce you to make proper Application for my being speedily Exchanged or Released. And from the same Noble disposition I hope that You’ll be pleased to inform me how far I may draw upon the Agent for my support in the Country, by directing Your Commands for me to Monsieur Dominique Sallenare, Negotiate at Bayonne.
The Departure of the Post will not permit me to say more.
Henry Ellis to William Pitt, May 25, 1757, Savannah, read Oct. 11, 1757, congratulating him on his appointment as Secretary of State.
Sir
I have just had the honour of your letter of the 7th December, signifying His Majesty’s most gracious appointment of You to be one of his principal Secretarys of State, upon which Sir I humbly beg leave to congratulate You.
I shall for the future take particular care to address to you all Letters that may contain matters of such importance as are proper to be known to his Majesty. Nothing of that nature now occurrs, nor indeed any thing uncommon, things remaining here in a State of quiet, tho’ from our weak & exposed condition, the activity of the French and the disposition of the neighbouring Indians, we are apprehensive that our tranquillity will not be of long duration.
I heartily thank you Sir for sending me the King’s most gracious Speech, & the Addresses of both Houses, which convey to me a precise idea of the present posture of affairs in Europe.
Henry Ellis to the Board of Trade, May 25, 1757, Georgia, read Nov. 9, 1757, C.O. 5/646, C. 4, notifying the Board of the arrival of Indian presents, arms for the militia, and the state of sericulture within the colony.
My Lords,
I did myself the honor to write to your Lordships on the 5th instant.
On the 18th. arrived here the Juno Captn Leslie with the Indian presents on board, & also the arms granted by His Majesty for the use of the Militia of this Colony. We are now landing them & so far as we have gone they appear to be in good order. But I am sorry the arms are not of the kind I mentioned to Mr Martyn, but such as from their weight & clumsiness will be managed with difficulty in this warm Country. It must be in times of the greatest danger when many inconveniences must be submitted to, that the people will be persuaded to use them. Through want of a Magazine we are obliged to lay them & the Ammunition in a ruinous wooden store, to which any ill disposed person might set fire, did we not post the few Rangers that we are on foot to guard it.
As Govr Lyttleton has not yet seen any of the Chiefs of the Creek Nation, I imagine he would be very desirous of such an opportunity. I have therefore wrote to him for his opinion, as to the most proper place of assembling them, to distribute the Presents; & intimated if his Excellency had any inclination to treat with them, I would endeavor to bring them to Savannah, which is upon the border of his own province, otherwise I should consult our own convenience, & that of the Indians only. This supply is very seasonable for we had little or no ammunition left in the province, & our Indian Presents were quite exhausted. And scarce a day passes that we are not visited by these Savages, whom it is necessary to entertain & dismiss contented. Hitherto we have been fortunate enough to do so but with much difficulty & fatigue, for which we are amply rewarded by the good demeanour of these people, who since my arrival have been tolerably quiet. The bulk of them are from home at present, & widely dispersed in partys over the Country, this being their grand hunting season. They generally return towards the middle of July. Before that time or sooner if possible, I shall have my plans settled, & an Envoy in their Country. And this is more immediately necessary, as a Gentleman that arrived here a few days ago from the Bay of Honduras, a man of credit & property intending to settle among us, informs me, that on the 14th instant, off of Cape Corientes (the West End of Cuba) he fell in with three french men of War, one of sixty four Guns, & two Frigates of thirty six each, convoying nine Vessels that seemed to be Transports steering towards the Mississippi. They did not offer to pursue. The reason whereof he apprehends, was, there being two English Vessels in sight one of which sailed very fast, & would certainly have escaped, & published their arrival in those seas. They therefore kept their course & attempted to disguise themselves, by hoisting English Colours, but this Gentleman insists that he cannot have been deceived as he is well acquainted with the mould & ornaments of the French Ships, which he could discern and distinctly being within Gun Shot. This small squadron I imagine comes out in consequence of the Treaty concluded between the Cherokees, & the Governor of New Orleans in November last. ‘Tis to be feared there are a considerable number of Troops on board, & what may operate worse, probably a quantity of Indian Presents. I have notified this intelligence with my conjectures thereupon to my Lord Loudoun, & the other Governors upon the Continent, not to alarm but to turn their thoughts this way. For my own part your Lordships may entirely depend that I will give the utmost attention, & use the strongest endeavors to gain the friendship of the Indians which is certainly an object of the last moment, at this conjecture, as, if we succeed therein it will effectually disconcert the projects of our enemies. I may perhaps be too importunate with your Lordships in renewing my solicitations for a small body of Troops to be stationed at particular places in this province, but the necessity of the service prompts me to it & I hope will plead my excuse. They would certainly add great weight to our negotiations with the Indians, restrain their wantonness, secure the frontier, ease the minds of the inhabitants, create respect to Government, & give force & effect to our Laws, all of which are wanting in a great degree.
Our cocons are now pretty well wrought up.
The quantity of the Silk they produce this Season will be upwards of 360 lb wtt which is far short of what might have been expected had there been eggs enough saved from the destruction of last year; of if those which Mr Martyn intended sending, could have been sent early, & our Spring been more temparate & equal. The warm weather is apt to hatch the eggs too soon, & the unequality of the climate is such that sharp frosts succeed the warmest days, to the certain destruction of these tender Reptiles, unless they are carefully treated. I therefore strongly recommend to the people, the building proper houses, the use of Stoves, & keeping the eggs in such cool places, as may retard their maturity, which would greatly tend to lessen, the natural impediments to their encrease, a practice that I expect will be followed up by a few leading people which in time may influence the rest. I cannot upon this occasion help expressing my uneasiness that proper measures are not taken to instruct a Successor to Mr Otterlinghe. He is but of a delicate & tender constitution probably will be but a short liver, & I conceive is not over sollicitous of having any person capable of supplying his place, from a peculiar jealousy & a fear of being supplanted.
Whatever his motives may be in withholding his instructions, or not chusing a Colleague, I humbly conceive your Lordships will think that such a precaution is not unnecessary, & that if a proper person was appointed here with a small Salary to assist this Gentleman, & qualify himself for the direction hereafter it would be a prudent measure. For unprovided as we are I cannot see how this Culture could be supported if Mr Otterlinghe should drop off. It is a produce that is worth raising, a design that is worth encouraging & I have great reason to believe will succeed in the end, notwithstanding all the difficultys that have hitherto impeded its progress. If your Lordships think that my sollicitude in this matter is well founded, I shall be very glad to receive your commands thereupon.
Letter from Mr. Henshaw, master of a vessel recently sailed from Georgia, May 31, 1757, Cowes, received and read June 7, 1757, C.O. 5/645, B. 41, acquainting the Board of Trade that Lt. Gov. Ellis entrusted him with several letters and dispatches, but, that having been taken by a privateer, he had destroyed them.
My Lords
I thought it my Duty on my Arrival here, to acquaint your Lordships, that having received several Dispatches for your Lordships, from Governor Ellis in Georgia, which place I left the 15 April. But having the Misfortune to be taken by a French Privateer about 60 Leagues to the Westward of Scilly, on the 20 May, was obliged to destroy them, agreeable to my Instructions from Governor Ellis. Everything was quiet in that Country, & all Ranks of People highly satisfied with their present Governor when I left the Place.
Henry Ellis to Board of Trade, July 8, 1757, Georgia, received Oct. 11, 1757, read Nov. 7, 1757, C.O. 5/646, C. 5, an account of the present state of affairs with the Assembly.
My Lords
My last letter to your Lordships was dated the 28th. May & comprehended the material occurrences of this Government to that period. Our Assembly met the 16th ulto according to prorogation with appearances very unpromising, as they discovered a scheme had been laid by the late Administration in concert with a majority of the Members to disturb my Government. An incendiary letter which I send herewith to your Lordships, was wrote by Mr Little, directed to the Members of that House, & introduced by their Speaker. It will be unnecessary to expatiate upon the style & design of so extraordinary an epistle, as your Lordships will have the perusal of it yourselves. But it will be proper to explain the whole of this scheme. As it was apprehended it would dissolve the Assembly, most of the Members being the Creatures of my predecessor, measures were taken early to have the same chosen. So that at all events a Junto was to be kept up, whose business would be to impede & frustrate all my designs however salutary. The disorders this opposition would necessarily occasion was to be a foundation for addressing the King to restore Mr Reynolds to this Government. Mr Patrick Mackay, a very artful person, & of no good character, whom on my arrival I removed from the Council, was to be the chief actor in this plot. 18 with him the letter was left, & it was intended that he should get into the Assembly, then be chosen Speaker & head the faction. This & other reasons determined me to discountenance his being elected, & suspend him from the Bench where he sat as senior Justice, & one of the most partial ones imaginable. He it was that Mr Reynolds fixed upon to manage Bosomworths affair. These steps had all the effect I could wish & I presume gave the finishing stroke to party, he lost the election & is retired with disgust & disappointment to his plantation. So that by address, by bold, but honest arts, & by doing my duty in a way unusual here, I have at length been able to change the temper of my opponents to my wishes, for except this person I dont know any other dissatisfied. That hydra faction who had long preyed upon the happiness of the people seems at present expiring.
The utmost harmony has taken place, between the several branches of the Legislature & the publick business goes on with ease & expedition. The Bill I mentioned to your Lordships calculated for the speedy peopling of this Colony by affording protection to Insolvents for seven years, has passed both Houses. ‘Tis well guarded & exceptions are made to such as are indebted to Great Britain, Ireland & our neighbouring province South Carolina. The former was necessary to the general credit of America, the latter to prevent the ill uses that might be made of this indulgence by those who reside so near us & to avoid the discontent & altercation that their conduct might create between the two provinces. This Act is especially necessary at this time, as the Governor of St Augustine gives great encouragement & protection to such of our people as are in those circumstances, who will go & settle there & has actually seduced a good many with whom he hopes to form a useful Colony. An Act has likewise passed for the construction of a Log fort in five different districts, which is to be effected by those hands that were to have wrought upon the Roads, & a general tax of one shilling a head on Negroes. Also a Bill for a general Patrole. One for the better discipline of the Militia, establishing more frequent musters. One to prevent the conveying Cattle & provisions by Land to St Augustine (tho’ this place is not particularized in the Act) where great quantitys have lately been sent from Carolina. One for regulating & licensing public houses, & to prevent the Indians & negroes from being supplyd with spirituous liquors whence great disorders have arisen. One is depending to oblige the Inhabitants to carry Arms to places of publick worship to prevent any surprise from Negroes &c & one to discharge the publick debt, & to restore its credit now at the lowest ebb. In a former letter I took occasion to mention to your Lordships the disordered situation in which I found things here. I took notice of Mr Reynolds conduct in telling the Assembly in his Speech that an increase of Taxes would be unnecessary, which I ascribed to a design of gaining a temporary popularity. Indeed I was but imperfectly informed at that time, tho sufficiently to suspect, that must have been his aim. If it was not he must have been unaccountably ignorant of the circumstances of his Government for we now find the publick debt amounts to £850 & the ordinary Revenue but to £260. We have £390 in hand to discharge part of it & the rest is to be paid off, by the expedient I mentioned to your Lordships in my letter of the beginning of May. By this means I shall be able to accomplish, what I had so much at heart the raising of the money previous to the Services instead of doing it subsequent to them. A Method that had crept into this Government by the indiscretion of those who presided & must in the end have been attended with the worst consequences. Besides this the Assembly have enabled me to maintain people as Look Outs whom I have stationed upon the Sea islands, for alarming the Inhabitants at the approach of the Enemy’s ships. And I have insisted upon the necessity of doubling the former Tax, to keep the Province out of debt, & have some little resourse for accidents, & I have good grounds to conclude this will be done. I am sorry there is a necessity for it, as I know the poverty & distress of the people which indeed is great. Could we spare them for a few years they would be able to do something without hurting themselves. But as we are now circumstanced I am afraid that cannot be done. For the safety of our Arms & Ammunition, (having no Magazine) & to enable the inhabitants to arm the trustiest of their slaves upon any sudden emergency, & make the best resistance possible I intend to distribute small quantitys in the hands of the principal Magistrates thro’ the Country not to be made use of but in time of danger, & returned to the publick Store when our apprehensions are over. We continue to be visited by the Indians & exert ourselves to keep them in the disposition that they seem to be in at present, which is not bad if we may trust appearances.
I have sent up Messages to the Chiefs of the Nations acquainting them with the arrival of our presents & my desire of seeing them here, when they return from Charlestown, where Governor Lyttleton it seems had previously engaged them to go, and that he thinks will be much better than their coming here first.
Copy of Mr. Little’s Letter to the Assembly, May 25, 1757, Savannah, received Oct. 11, 1757, read Nov. 9, 1757, C.O. 5/646, C. 6, explaining his actions.
Gentlemen
The late change in the administration of Government, and my own affairs having made it necessary for me to return to England. The Chair in which you did me honor to place me & my Seat in your Assembly are both vacant. I have endeavored to discharge the Trust you reposed in me with uprightness & impartiality & tho’ many may be found superior to me in abilities yet no one can exceed me in an inviolable attachment to what appeared to me your true interest. Oppositing to the most salutary measures must be expected in every popullar Meeting, but you will carefully guard against any attempt that may be made to induce you to censure your own conduct (1) & to condemn proceedings you went thro’ with so much chearfulness, & in which so remarkable a Majority prevailed as to make them clearly the sense of the whole province. Such a design can arise only from men actuated by infatuation (2) who have been openly employed in the promulgation of falsehood, to exasperate & inflame the minds of the people whose sentiments & inclinations they for the sake of their private interests did first artfully misrepresent in order to betray into measures (3) which could have no other event than to render an Administration uneasy & alienate the affections of the inhabitants. Charity would lead one to hope that those men might in time alter their conduct but whoever will reflect that they have gone too far to return, & that they have all along steadily pursued schemes destructive to the general good of this province, & remained invariably fixed to their principles of self interest (the only principles to which they have ever been true) must suffer his own understanding to be greatly imposed upon before he can entertain any such hopes.
Arts of delusion will no doubt be practised upon the occasion but it is easy to distinguish betwixt those men who have in view lucrative employments & those who have no other motive in advancing the publick welfare, than the benefit they will thereby enjoy in common with every member of the community. Malevolence & resentment will endeavor to hide themselves under the Cloak of Patriotism & it will be insinuated (4) that nothing more is intended than to reconcile interests, that have for many years been incompatible, & to extinguish all heats & animosities. But when those who have long laboured under oppression are by those specious pretenses lulled asleep, then violence will take place, & schemes now latent be executed with unrelenting vigor and subtle & wicked means they (5) have long used to support their power, will be, indeed, have been again exerted.
Their Dependents are encouraged to weaken your Constitutional credit, to asperse you as men desirous of confusion who have no real weight in the Country & who scarcely merit any attention. A private Society (6) have been put in competition with a provincial Assembly, & in some respects have the preference given to it. This conduct however contemptible in a private light, yet in a publick view may have very extensive very pernicious consequences. When Petitions are drawn up (7) & recommended by persons who may justly be supposed to speak by authority, & who meanly beg hands to them, insinuating that this is the most acceptable Service; when the discontent of the people is alleged (8) as a reason to take a most extraordinary measure (9) that discontent which (10) they have themselves laboured to stir up by exaggerations & false representations, tis highly probable, the people will upon other occasions, claim that priviledge, they are now for a particular purpose* complimented with, & except to be consulted on every emergency, not in their collective Body but as individuals (11) & thus will the Constitution be shaken to its very basis & foundation. These proceedings should animate you to redouble your efforts in proportion to the occasion, & to convince your Constituents, that it is incumbent upon them to despise the gilded bait, & to oppose all innovations, which in the end must make Assemblys lose their importance, after which they must soon become useless & be no longer the resort of liberty, & the barrier against wanton power, which is more dangerous in the hands of a Junto, than in one man, for that an aristocratical form of Government is perhaps of all others the least eligible. You may call to witness the Decemvirate of old Rome, & the modern States of Genoa Venice & Holland. Steadiness & resolution in you who legally represent the people (12) may avert those evils, for nothing can elude the force of an Assembly, enlivened with zeal for the publick happiness, & this is so true, that you cannot long feel any internal hurt, but such as must arise from your own choice. The calumnies with which I have been loaded have made it necessary for me to offer fully to you my sentiments, & will I hope plead my excuse for having done it in so free a manner.
I am well acquainted with your inclinations & desires & my behaviour in the execution of your Orders in England (13) shall be conformable thereto, & I flatter myself that with all candid men, heartiness & sincerity will allow for my imperfections.
(1) By reversing the Representation of the state of the Province, and the address to the Governor last Session.
(2) The Council two of whom Mr Reynolds suspended and the others lay under persecution.
(3) The Governor.
(4) by the New Governor.
(5) Some of the Councillors who were employed under the Trustees Government.
(6) The Georgia Society whom Mr. Ellis received an address from but adjourned the Assembly when he was acquainted they were upon the same business, & that it was intended to make use of that opportunity to compliment Mr. Reynolds on his Administration.
(7) To reinstate those removed from Office by Mr. Reynolds.
(8) By His Majesty’s Ministers.
(9) A Change of Governors.
(10) The Complainants or the Ministers--’tis doubtful which is meant.
(11) By private letters. There is an obstinate incoherence and incoherence and obscurity here, well understood by the party.
*Your Lordships must know for what particular purpose I was sent here. H. Ellis.
(12) In contradistinction to the Council in their Capacity of an Upper House of Assembly
(13) To endeavour to remove Mr Martyn from the Agency, for having a friendly connection with some of the Council who were in power under the Trustees Government.
Henry Ellis to the Board of Trade, July 10, 1757, Savannah, received Oct. 11, 1757, read Nov. 9, 1757, C.O. 5/646, C. 7, cover letter for public papers transmitted to London.
My Lords
Tho’ I have repeatedly demanded the Papers I send herewith;19 I was not able to obtain them before the reason alledged for this delay by the Secretary was the slowness & incapacity of the late Deputy Clerk of the Council whom I removed, & the accumulated business that has taken place since my arrival. They promise to avoid such neglects for the future. ‘Tis but lately that I learned that Mr Little, who was Clerk of the Assembly, omitted Copying, and Mr Reynolds transmitting, the Minutes of that House the last Session. Little being Speaker he employed a Deputy to officiate as Clerk a person whom I have likewise removed for incapacity & inapplication. The present Clerk of the Assembly will, so soon as the Session is over redouble his diligence to complete the Minutes to that time, which shall be immediately transmitted to your Lordships.
Henry Ellis to the Board of Trade, Aug. 1, 1757, Georgia, read Nov. 9, 1757, C.O. 5/646, C. 8, his observations upon some acts lately passed in that colony.
My Lords
My last letter was dated the 6th. ulto since which little more than the completion of the measures then in agitation has occurred.
Our Assembly broke up the 28th ulto in very good temper. All the Bills that in my former letter I mentioned to be depending have been passed, but as in the Preamble of each, their respective intention will appear. I presume it is unnecessary for me to say any thing particular about them; except that intended to establish an Asylum here for Insolvents which being of an uncommon nature may require a full recital of the motives that induced me to propose & pass it which are these
1st. The speedy peopling of the Colony necessary on a double account, for its own defence & to protect the other provinces to which it is a frontier.
2dly. Because many of His Majesty’s Subjects who have taken shelter from their Creditors in the Neutral Islands have lately signified to me by persons come from thence their great desire of settling here could they obtain the protection they now enjoy.
3dly. Because the Governor of Augustine gives all manner of encouragement to the King’s American Subjects in the same circumstances, who will go & settle in that Neighbourhood under the protection of His Catholic Majesty.
4thly. Because an Asylum is already afforded by Gray, who is settled to the Southward of the River Altamaha & has drawn a number of such people around him, who being unrestrained by Government, & out of the reach of Laws may in time give great umbrage to the Spaniards, perhaps embroil us with the Indians. Now the only motive that induces people to settle there, being that protection it is probable none hereafter would go thither if they could have the same advantage in this Colony not to mention that it will be a likely means of drawing from thence & from Augustine those who are already settled at those places.
5thly. It will be a means of regaining a number of subjects & their property, that otherwise would be absolutely lost to the Nation, & will deprive our Enemies or Rivals of the benefit of their strength and their industry. They will very probably in a little time take the heavy charge of supporting this Province off the Mother Country, & make it a real barrier to the Southern Provinces. It may cause the natural advantages that are peculiar to the Soil & Climate of Georgia to operate more speedily to the emolument of Great Britain. In fine it may serve to give this Colony a sudden strength & prosperity not obtainable by any other measure.
These My Lords are the principal considerations that induced me to pass this Bill which when compared with any inconveniences that may arise from it will I hope appear a very sufficient justification of me. If they are strong enough to influence your Lordships to approve of what I have done I shall think myself extremely happy & at the worst I hope you will indulge me in believing that my errors proceed from no other motive but an honest tho’ mistaken zeal for what I take to be the good of my Country. The act itself is extremely popular here & your Lordships will find it is as well guarded, & as suitable as it is possible for such an Act to be to produce any effect at all. If it should be rejected by his Majesty it will produce no inconvenience. On the contrary it may be an advantage to particular people who may find their Debtors here, when they could not have reached them any where else. I intended at first not to have passed it ‘till I had wrote to your Lordships & had your opinion & consent, but upon mature deliberation I found such a delay would be extremely prejudicial & in a manner defeat the end of the Bill, from which we expect an immediate benefit. This too hindered me from passing it with a suspending Clause as it is usually so long a time before his Majesty’s pleasure is known concerning Bills passed in this manner. Nevertheless if your Lordships will be pleased to signify your opinion that it will not be approved by the King I can put an immediate stop to its operation.
By another Act the Assembly have ordered that £630 more Paper Currency be issued for discharging the debts of this Province which sum is to be called in & sunk in three or four years by a fund appointed for that purpose an account of which I gave your Lordships in a former letter.20 The Services of the Current Year are provided for by a renewal of the Taxes, which have been more than doubled this Session.
So that your Lordships will find that I have accomplised what I aimed at, the restoring of the right of auditing the accounts, & issuing the public money to the Governor and Council to whom it properly belongs. For as things stood before no money was to be issued but by a special Order from the Lower House of Assembly. As this point has been carried with much difficulty I hope no Governor hereafter will ever be so infatuated as to relinquish it.
By the Fort Act five are appointed to be erected in different parts of the province vizt; one at Darien, one at Augusta, another at Medway, a fourth at Ogeachy & the principal one at Savannah.21 All the hands capable of Labour, black & white throughout the province, are to work twelve days upon them, which alone is equal to a Tax of £1000 Sterling not to mention 1 shilling a head that is to be Levied for completing the Fort at Savannah. As I have the superintendency of these Works, & have a considerable influence with the Commissioners & people in general I have advised, & indeed convinced them of the utility of fortifying this whole Town in a regular manner with five whole & 2 demi-Bastions joined by Curtains. The work itself to consist of a ditch 12 feet wide, a Breast work of earth 5 feet high within including the Banquette, & 10 without, face with pallisades to prevent its being easily scaled.
This indeed is a great undertaking, but it is resolved upon. It will certainly have vast advantages over a fort, since it will be spacious enough to contain most of the Inhabitants of the Province, & equally capable of being defended against any Indian Enemy whatever; or indeed any other who do not employ artillery. But it would be difficult to defend anything we could raise against that. Another advantage that will be gained is that the houses already built will serve for Barracks, Store Houses, Magazines &c & the constructing of Ovens & sinking of Wells, & many other expensive & necessary works will be avoided. Indeed it is a question whether the hands destined to work upon it will be able to finish it in the time allotted but it is pretty certain if they do not that the Assembly will take further measures for its completion.
I cannot procure to send by this opportunity more than 4 Acts, that passed this last Session & those have immediate reference to the subject of this letter.
The Minutes of neither the two last Sessions of the Lower House of Assembly, nor those of the late Sitting of the Upper House, are ready to go by this opportunity. The former proceeds from the neglect of Mr Little who was both Speaker & Clerk of that House & who I find has neither copied nor transmitted them to your Lordships, whether through design or otherwise is uncertain. But the Clerk whom I lately appointed promises to be more punctual. The Clerk of the Council engages the same, indeed his Business has been so considerable since I called him to that Office that it was almost impossible for him to keep pace with it especially as he found things there much behind hand. But I hope and conclude this will not be the case for the future as matters are now under a letter regulation.
Before our Assembly rose I received a letter from the Right Honourable William Pitt Esqr. one of His Majesty’s principal Secretarys of State directing me to call them together & recommend the raising a considerable body of Troops to be maintained by this Province for its immediate defence, & the assistance of those to the Northward. A Copy of this letter I laid before both Houses, as I was instructed.
Herewith I send your Lordships an Address I received upon that occasion, which is a true picture of the state of this province. The above letter which I conclude was a circular one, however suitable to the circumstances of the other provinces, was certainly improper for us who are daily & with good reason sollicking for Assistance ourselves. This will plainly appear when it is remembered that ‘till within these few years the whole people of this Province were maintained at the nations expense.
Provision was served to them out of the public Store & brought from other Countrys for little or none was raised here, nor any other produce, until the admission of Slaves. For the first Settlers were very unfit to establish a Colony, being such whose illness was the cause of their poverty & misfortunes. But since an alteration has been made in the original Constitution framed by the Trustees, many industrious but poor people have come here, constrained by the harshness of their Creditors to quit their former residence & have been labouring ever since under great hardships & difficultys to gain a subsistence & lessen their incumbrances. So that your Lordships will easily distinguish that the circumstances of this Colony are peculiar, both with respect to the smallness of our numbers and our poverty.
I daily have many Indian Guests & some of them of the first rank of the Creek Nation, & by all that I can learn from them, they do not seem disposed to break with us hastily, tho’ they are far from being satisfied with what passed at Ogeachy towards the end of Mr Reynolds administration. 22 The Brother of one of those that were then killed, I am informed has lately been to Charlestown to demand further satisfaction, & behaved with uncommon insolence to Governor Lyttleton. Perhaps he will come here upon the same errand, if he does I shall not be over submissive to him, as these rascals are apt to take advantage of the least appearance of pusillanimity.
Besides the handsome fellow who is now with me the Little Warrior lately gone from hence, principal Rulers of the Oakfuschee Town one of the most considerable in the Upper Creek Country, have thrown out some hints that that Nation will not embroil themselves further about this Matter & that a proper talk & a few presents may reconcile every misunderstanding. The chief men among these Savages have not yet come formally & with a national character to treat with me, but I expect them in the beginning of winter, having sent invitations for that purpose.
In regard to the movements of the french I have heard nothing very lately. The Supplies sent a few Months ago to the Mississipi, have not yet had any visiable operation, tho ‘tis to be feared they will soon but where or how is uncertain. For some weeks past there have been some french privateers cruizing upon our Coast, who tho’ unable to do us much damage have nevertheless given great uneasiness, & kept the Inhabitants of the Southern parts of the Colony constantly under arms. My Lords I cannot help again expressing my surprise that one of the Kings Ships is not stationed here as the Enemies Vessels generally make this Coast, being obliged to put into Augustine for intelligence refreshment &c and indeed all their Vessels from their Settlements on the Bay of Mexico, which necessarily come thro’ the Gulph of Florida, which of late those from their Islands have done also to avoid our Cruizers cannot well pass above 50 Leagues from our Coast, so that no Station is more proper for annoying the Enemy, if the protection of this Colony was to be no consideration.
The Vessels usually stationed at South Carolina are of no use in this respect. The Harbour of Charlestown has a bar & is beside so shallow & intricate that Ships of burden cannot go out & in with that facility & dispatch which is necessary upon those occasions.
A Schooner of about sixty Tons lately put in here from that place on board whereof I had information there were contraband Goods upon which I ordered the Officers of the Customs to examine her when they found sixty six Barrels of Rice destined for Augustine which being contrary to Law she has been seized and condemned, & I believe will yield about £200 her Owner is here but has made no defence. A few of these Strokes will put a stop to such practices.
I have not yet had the pleasure of one line from your Lordships but I flatter myself I shall soon.
I am very unwilling to apologize to your Lordships for the incorrectness that my present hurry occasions, but the interruption I meet with from these Indian Gentry, a multiplicity of other Business & the sudden departure of the Vessel by whom I send these dispatches, greatly abridges me in point of time, & prevents me from saying many things that the points I touch upon would naturally give rise to.
Henry Ellis to William Pitt, Aug. 1, 1757, Georgia, received Oct. 21, 1757, giving a state of the colony’s defenses.
Sir
I had the honour of your letter of the 4th february, & in obedience to it I immediately called our Assembly together & laid the principal matter of it before them & in consequence of which I received a few days after the Address that I have the honour to transmit herewith.
It contains a very true Representation of the State of this Province, & so full a one that I do not know what to add & can only say in general that there is every disposition that could be wished in the people to answer the most sanguine expectations, but they really are incapable of doing more than they have done which tho it may appear inconsiderable is a great deal in their circumstances. They have laid a Tax of 3/ a head upon their Negroes & 2/ upon every 100 Acres of land they are possessed of, the whole of which from the small number of the people will amount to little more than £ 500. They have also resolved to build five Log Forts in different parts of the province, upon which Themselves & their Negroes are to work Twelve days, which alone is a considerable Tax upon them, & when it is considered Sir that the Poverty of the Colony is such that the Mother Country defrays the expences of this Government, our inability of contributing any thing to the common Cause, will strongly appear.
This Colony has been settled but Twenty five years, & was originally intended to be a receptacle for the poor & our parishes, & Jails, & till within these eight or ten years, the bulk of the people had their provisions served to them out of the publick Store, which expence was annually provided for by Parliament. For by the exclusion of Slaves very little provision, or any other produce was raised here.
Within these few years that Regulation has been broke thro’ & several people have come in, but they were such as could live no where else. The greatest part of their Substance they were obliged to sell to pay off part of their Debts, & the remainder they have been labouring under great hardships & difficultys ever since to discharge. Our whole people are only between 4 & 5000 whites, (out of which 700 are capable of bearing arms) & 2000 Negroes. The former in general are so very poor that they but barely subsist themselves. I am confident there are not Ten men in the province that are worth £500 each. So that you will see Sir there is something very peculiar in our case, & that however inclinable our few people might be to give proofs of their zeal & affection, & assistance to the common Cause, it is totally out of their poor [sic].
A few french Privateers have been on our Coast these several days, & have caused great uneasiness to the Inhabitants, who have been constantly under Arms since their appearance, & indeed with good reason as there is nothing to prevent their Landing & plundering those plantations that are situated near the rivers.
It were greatly to be wished that the importance of this Province was more generally attended to for it has certainly all the conveniences & advantages of any of the rest, in respect of Situation & the goodness of its ports greatly exceeds them all. A Ship of War could no where be better stationed for annoying the Enemy, whose Ships from the Islands of late go thro’ the Gulph of Florida to avoid our Cruizers, & all their Vessels from their Settlements on the Bay of Mexico, must take the same Track, our vicinity to which would therefore be of great convenience. The ships that are usually stationed at Charlestown are not so well calculated for this Service, as that place is more distant, & the harbour more intricate & shallow than ours.23 I need not insist here upon the expediency & even necessity of some measures being immediately concerted at home for putting this province in a posture of defence. I think all this will fully appear from the facts set forth, in the Address of our Assembly. But when or how this is to be undertaken we must humbly submit to his Majesty.
We have had no late Accounts here of the Movements of the Enemy, but it is certain they are with much industry practising upon the Savages in our Neighbourhood. It will be a great evil if they can make those impressions upon them that they desire; as they are so warlike & numerous, that they would easily overwhelm this province in its present weak & defenceless condition.
I have several of the principal men of the Creek Nation now with me, & find them pretty well inclined to us, a disposition that I shall strenuously cultivate, as indeed the very being of this Government depends upon it. Not to mention the influence it might have upon our other designs and operations.
The present occasion affords me nothing further.
I have just had the honour of your letter of the 19th february, to which I shall pay all manner of regard, & obedience.
Address of the Upper House and Commons House of Assembly to Henry Ellis, July 28, 1757, Savannah, read Nov. 9, 1757, C.O. 5/646, C. 9, explaining Georgia’s defenseless state and its position as a southern barrier to the French, Spanish, and Indians.24
An Abstract of Grants of Lands Registered in Georgia, Jan. 27 to July 27, 1757, Savannah, received Nov. 9, 1757, C.O. 5/646, C. 10.
Grant dated 9th. Decemr 1756,
To George Golphin [Galphin] for 400 Acres of Land in the District of Augusta, Registered 4th Feby 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 16th. Decemr 1756,
To Ralph Kilgore for 250 Acres of Land in the District of Augusta, Registered 4th. Febry 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President & assistants.
Grant dated 8th. Septr 1756,
To Christian Robenhorst [Rabenhorst] for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Ebenezer, Registered 4th. Febry 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 8th. Septr 1757,
To the Heirs of David Kraft deceased for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Ebenezer, Registered 4th. Febry 1757.
Allotted by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 8th Septr 1756,
To James Deveaux Esqr: for 1000 Acres of Land being Warsaw Island, Registered 8th. Febry 1757.
Grant dated 8th. Septr 1756,
To James Deveaux Esqr for 500 Acres of Land on Scidoway Island, Registered 8th. Febry 1756.
Allotted him by the Late President & Assistants.
Grant dated 8th. Septr 1756,
To James Deveaux Esqr for 500 Acres of Land on Argyle Island, Registered 8th. Febry 1757.
Allotted by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 8th Septr 1756,
To James Deveaux Esqr. for a Lot in the Town of Savannah No 9 in Sloper Tything Percival Ward and 50 Acres of Land in said Tything and Ward, Registered 9th. Febry 1757.
To James Deveaux Esqr for 45 Acres of Land in the Township of Savannah, Registered 10th Febry 1757.
Grant dated 8th. Septr. 1756,
To James Deveaux Esqr for a Town lot in Hardwicke No 28, Registered 10th. Febry 1757.
Grant dated 8th. Septr 1756,
To Samuel Mercer for a Lot in the Town of Hardwicke No 31, Registered 12th. Febry 1757.
Grant dated 8th. Septr 1756,
To Samuel Mercer for a Lot in the Town of Savannah No 9 in Hucks Tything Percival Ward & 50 Acres of Land in said Tything and Ward, Registered 12th. Febry 1757.
Grant dated 8th. Septr 1756,
To Samuel Mercer for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Savannah, Registered 12th. Febry 1757.
Alloted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 8th. Septr 1756,
To Elizabeth Mercer for a Lot in the Town of Savannah No 5 in the Third Tything Reynolds Ward and 50 Acres of Land in said Tything and Ward, Registered 12th. Febry 1757.
Grant dated 8th. Septr 1756,
To Elizabeth Mercer for life Remaindr to John Teasdale in fee for a lot in the Town of Savannah No 1 in Wilmington Tything Derby Ward and 50 Acres of Land in said Tything and Ward, Registered 12th. Febry 1757.
Allotted by the late President & Assistants.
Grant dated 9th. Decemr 1756,
To John Teasdale for a Lot in the Town of Savannah No 5 in Carpenter Tything Deckers Ward and 50 Acres of land in said Tything & Ward, Registered 14th. Febry 1757.
Allotted him by the late President & Assistants.
Grant dated 9th. Decemr 1756,
To Benjamin Brownjohn for a Lot in the Town of Savannah No 10 in Hucks Tything Percival Ward and 50 Acres of Land in said Tything & Ward, Registered 14th. Febry 1757.
Allotted by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 8th. Septr 1756,
To the Heirs of William Cross deceased for a Lot in the Town of Savannah No 7 in the second Tything Anson Ward and 50 Acres of Land in said Tything and Ward, Registered 14th. Febry 1757.
Allotted by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 8th. Septr 1756,
To Elizabeth Evans for a Lot in the Town of Savannah No 3 in Carpenters Tything Deckers Ward and 50 Acres of Land in said Tything and Ward, Registered 14th. Febry 1757.
Allotted by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 9th. Decemr 1756,
To Elizabeth and Jane Evans for a Lot in the Town of Savannah No 7 in the Third Tything Anson Ward and 50 Acres of Land in said Tything and Ward, Registered 14th. Febry 1757.
Allotted by the President and Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. Febry 1757,
To Samuel Mercer for 300 Acres of Land in the District of Savannah, Registered 15th. Febry 1757.
Grant dated 9th. Decemr 1756,
To Patrick Mackay for 600 Acres of Land in the District of Savannah, Registered 22d. Febry 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 9th. Decer 1756,
To Patrick Mackay for 600 Acres of Land in the District of Savannah, Registered 22d Febry 1757.
Allotted by the late President and Assistants to John Mackay.
Grant dated 9th. Decemr 1756,
To Patrick Mackay for a Lot in the Town of Savannah No 5 in Digby Tything Deckers Ward and 50 Acres of Land in said Tything and Ward, Registered 22nd. Febry 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. Febry 1757,
To John Graves for 500 Acres of Land at the head of Newport River, Registered 24th. Febry 1757.
To Mathias Brandner for Town Lot Garden Lot & 100 Acres of Land in the Township & district of Ebenezer, Registered 24th. Febry 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. Febry 1757,
To Thomas Bailey for 300 Acres of Land in the District of Savannah, Registered 24th Feby 1757.
Grant dated 11th. Febry 1757,
To Benjamin Farley for 350 Acres of Land in the District of Newport, Registered 24th Febry 1757.
Grant dated 9th. Decemr 1756,
To James Read for 500 Acres of Land on Great Ogechee River, Registered 25th Febry 1757.
Allotted by the late President & Assistants to Richard Ion’s.
Grant dated 11th. Febry 1757,
To James Read for 275 Acres of Land in the District of Newport, Registered 25th. Febry 1757.
Grant dated 5th Febry 1757,
To James Habersham Esqr for 300 Acres of Land in the District of Ogechee, Registered 25th. Febry 1757.
Grant dated 9th. Decemr 1756,
To Francis Harris Esqr. for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Savannah, Registered 26th Febry 1757.
Grant dated 9th. Decemr 1756,
To John Bailey for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Ogechee, Registered 26th. Febry 1757.
Allotted by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 9th Decemr 1756,
To John Bailey for a Water Lot on the Bay of Savannah No 2, Registered 26th. Febry 1757.
Allotted by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 11th. Febry 1757,
To Hugh Clark for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Sappola, Registered 26th. Febry 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President & Assistants.
Grant dated 11th. Febry 1757,
To William Clark for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Sappola, Registered 26th. Febry 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 11th. Febry 1757,
To Donald Mackay for 250 Acres of Land in the District of Newport, Registered 28th Febry. 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 11th. Febry 1757,
To John Mackintosh M for 150 Acres of Land in the District of Darian, Registered 28th. Febry 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President & Assistants.
Grant dated 11th. Febry 1757,
To William Mackintosh for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Newport, Registered 28th. Febry 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 11th. Febry 1757,
To Lauchlan Mackintosh for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Newport, Registered 28th. Febry 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 11th. Febry 1757,
To John Mackintosh D for 434 Acres of Land in the District of Sappola, Registered 28th. Febry 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 11th. Febry 1757,
To George Mackintosh for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Darian, Registered 28th. Febry 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 8th. September 1756,
To James Mackay Esqr for 650 Acres of Land at the head of Newport River, Registered 1st March 1757.
To James Mackay Esqr for 500 Acres of Land on the South side of Great Ogechee River, Registred 1st March 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 8th. Sepr. 1756,
To James Mackay Esqr for 50 Acres of Land being part of an Island in St Catherine River, Registered 1st March 1757.
Grant dated 8th. Septr 1756,
To Hugh Mackay for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Great Ogechee, Registered 1st March 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated Sepr 8th. 1756,
To David Stephens for a Lot in the Town of Hardwicke, No 55, Registered 1st March 1757.
Grant dated 8th. Septr 1756,
To John Savage in Trust for Ann the Wife of James Mackay 500 Acres of Land in the District of Great Ogechee, Registered 2nd. March 1757.
Allotted by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 8th. Septr 1756,
To William Elliott for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Newport, Registered 2d March 1757.
Grant dated 8th. Septr 1756,
To William Elliott for 500 Acres of Land in the Forks of the Rivers Ogechee and Coonoche, Registered 2nd. March 1757.
Grant dated 8th. Septr 1756,
To William Elliott for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Great Ogechee, Registered 2d March 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 8th. Septr 1756,
To William Elliott for a Lot in the Town of Hardwicke No 1, Registered 2d March 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President & Assistants.
To David Truan for 135 Acres of Land in the Township of Savannah, Registered 4th. March 1757.
Allotted by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 8th. Septr 1756,
To Edward Chapman and Jane his Wife in Trust for the Heirs of William Grigson deceased a lot in The Town of Savannah No 7 in Holland Tything Percival Ward & 50 Acres of Land in said Tything and Ward, Registered 4th. March 1757.
Allotted by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 8th. Septr 1756,
To Davis T. Bear for 50 Acres of Land in the Township of Vernonburgh, Registered 4th. March 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 8th. Septr 1756,
To Parmenus Way for 300 Acres of Land in the district of Midway, Registered 7th. March 1757.
Grant dated 8th. Septr 1756,
To Nathaniel Wey [Way] for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Midway, Registered 7th March 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 8th. Septr 1756,
To John Osgood John Stevens &c for 300 Acres of Land in the District of Midway, Registered 7th. March 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 8th. Septr 1756,
To James Edward Powell Esqr for 470 Acres of Land in the District of Savannah, Registered 7th. March 1757.
Allotted by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 8th. Septr 1756,
To Christian Reidelsperger for 200 Acres of Land between Abercorn & Ebenezer, Registered 7th. March 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. Febry 1757,
To Mathew Mauve for a lot in the Town of Savannah No 8 in the 1st Tything Anson Ward and 50 Acres of Land in said Tything and Ward, Registered 14th March 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. Febry 1757,
To Robert Bolton for a lot in the Town of Savannah No 3 in the Third Tything Anson Ward and 50 Acres of Land in said Tything and Ward, Registered 14th. March 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 9th. Decemr 1756,
To Joseph Gibbons for 600 Acres of Land in the District of Newport, Registered 22d March 1757.
Grant dated 9th. Decemr 1756,
To Joseph Gibbons for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Newport, Registered 22d March 1757.
Grant dated 9th. Decemr 1756,
To Andrew Way for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Newport, Registered 22nd March 1757.
Grant dated 5th April 1757,
To Joseph Minis for a Lot in the Town of Hardwicke No 99, Registered 8th. April 1757.
Grant dated 5th. Febry 1757,
To John McClellan for 750 Acres of Land in the District of Ogechee, Registered 11th. April 1757.
Grant dated 11th. Febry. 1757,
To John Smith for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Savannah, Registered 11th. April 1757.
Grant dated 5th. Febry 1757,
To John Burton for a lot in the Town of Savannah No 3 in the first Tything Anson Ward & 50 Acres of Land in said Tything and Ward, Registred 11th. April 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To William Burton for a Lot in the Town of Savannah No 5 in the first Tything Anson Ward & 50 Acres of Land in said Tything & Ward, Registered 11th. April 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To Christian Rabenhorst, Ludwig Meyer &c for 100 Acres of Land in the District of Ebenezer, Registred 14th. April 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To Michael Weber for 50 Acres of Land in the District of Abercorn & Goshen, Registred 14th. April 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To Christian Birk for a Garden Lot & 50 Acres of Land in the Township & District of Ebenezer, Registred 14th. April 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To Thomas Goswandel for Town Lot Garden Lot & 50 Acres of Land in the Township & District of Ebenezer, Registered 14th. April 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To Simon Reutter for Town Lot Garden Lot and 50 Acres of Land in the Township & District of Ebenezer, Registered 15th. April 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. Feby 1757,
To Ludwig Weidman for 50 Acres of Land in the District of Ebenezer, Registered 16th. April 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President & Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To Hannah Elizth. Gronou & Mary Frederica Gronou for a Town Lot & 6 Garden Lots in the Township and District of Ebenezer, Registered 16th. April 1757.
Allotted by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To John Cornberger for a Town Lot & 100 Acres of Land in the Town and District of Ebenezer, Registered 18th. April 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To Christian Leimberger for a Town Lot & 100 Acres of Land in the Town & District of Ebenezer, Registred 18th. April 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To Christian Stainer for a Town Lot Garden Lot & 100 Acres of Land in the Town & District of Ebenezer, Registred 18th. April 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To James Gallache for a Lot in the Town of Savannah No 10 in the fourth Tything Anson Ward and 95 Acres of Land in said Tything and Ward, Registred 20th. April 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. Febry 1757,
To the Reverend Bartholomew Zouberbuhler for 300 Acres of Land in the District of Savannah, Registred 22nd April 1757.
Grant dated 9th. Decemr 1756,
To Mary Bateman for 300 Acres of Land in the District of Newport, Registered 22d April 1757.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To Nathan Levi for a Lot in the Town of Hardwicke No 18, Registred 25th. April 1757.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To Grey Elliott for a Lot in the Town of Hardwicke No 157, Registered 25th. April 1757.
Grant dated 11th. Feby 1757,
To Christian Vanmunch for 500 Acres of Land on Savannah River, Registred 25th. April 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 11th. Febry 1757,
To Christian Vanmunch for 50 Acres of Land at the head of Augustine Creek, Registred 28th. April 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 11th. Febry 1757,
To Thomas Vanmunch for 500 Acres of Land on Augustine Creek, Registred 28th April 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 11th. Febry 1757,
To Charles Vanmunch for 500 Acres of Land on an Island in the River Savannah, Registred 28th April 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To George Heckall for a Town Lot and 50 Acres of Land in the Town and District of Ebenezer, Registred 29th April 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To Michael Snyder for 50 Acres of Land in the District of Ebenezer, Registered 29th April 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To John Michael Herse for 50 Acres of Land in the District of Ebenezer, Registered 29th. April 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 9th. Decr 1756,
To Samuel Burnley for 300 Acres of Land in the District of Newport, Registered 4th. May 1757.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To Henry Younge for 300 Acres of Land in the District of Midway, Registred 4th. May 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant Dated 5th. April 1757,
To John McIntosh M for 350 Acres of Land in the District of Sappola, Registred 4th. May 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
To John MacBean for 100 Acres of Land in the District of Darian, Registred 5th. May 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To Thomas Carter for 100 Acres of Land in the District of Newport, Registred 5th. May 1757.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To Anne Graham for a Lot in the Town of Hardwicke No 44, Registred 23rd May 1757.
Allotted by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To Anne Graham for a Lot in the Town of Savannah No 9 in the third Tything Reynolds Ward and 50 Acres of Land in said Tything and Ward, Registered 23rd May 1757.
Allotted by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To Anne Graham for a Lot in the Town of Savannah No 5 in Wilmington Tything Derby Ward and 50 Acres of Land in said Tything and Ward, Registered 23rd May 1757.
Allotted by the said President and Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To Anne Graham for 600 Acres of Land in the District of Savannah, Registred 25th. May 1757.
Allotted by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To Veit Leckner for a Town Lot and 150 Acres of Land in the Town and District of Ebenezer, Registred 25th May 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To John George Snyder for a Town Lot and 50 Acres of Land in the Town and District of Ebenezer, Registered 25th. May 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 9th. Decemr 1756,
To James Whitefield for 300 Acres of Land in the District of Ogechee, Registred 26th. May 1757.
To George Love for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Newport, Registered 30th. May 1757.
Grant dated 9th. Decemr 1756,
To George Love for a Lot in the Town of Hardwicke No 145, Registred 30th. May 1757.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To Christopher Cramer for Town Lot Garden Lot and 100 Acres of Land in the Township of Ebenezer, Registered 2d June 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To Frederick Bruckner for Town Lot Garden Lot and 100 Acres of Land in the Town and District of Ebenezer, Registred 2d June 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To Daniel Shubdrien for Town Lot Garden Lot and 100 Acres of Land in the Town and District of Ebenezer, Registred 4th. June 1757.
Allotted by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To Veit Landferder for Town Lot Garden Lot and 50 Acres of Land in the Town and district of Ebenezer, Registered 4th. June 1757.
Allotted by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 9th. Decemr 1757,
To John Spencer for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Newport, Registred 6th. June 1757.
Grant dated 9th. Decemr 1756,
To Maurice Dullea for 200 Acres of Land in the District of Midway, Registered 6th. June 1757.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To James Mackay Esqr for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Newport, Registered 8th. June 1757.
To James Mackay Esqr for 200 Acres of Land in the District of Ogechee, Registred 8th. June 1757.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To White Outerbridge for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Newport, Registered 10th. June 1757.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To White Outerbridge for a Lot in the Town of Hardwicke No 20, Registered 10th. June 1757.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To George Cuthbert for 100 Acres of Land in the District of Savannah, Registred 11th. June 1757.
Grant dated 7th. June 1757,
To Kenneth Bailey for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Midway, Registred 13th. June 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. Feby 1757,
To Kenneth Bailey for 350 Acres of Land in the District of Midway, Registred 13th. June 1757.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To Philip Fenny for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Newport, Registred 13th. June 1757.
Grant dated 7th. June 1757,
To Charles Weste for 300 Acres of Land in the District of Newport, Registred 15th. June 1757.
Grant dated 7th. June 1757,
To Charles Weste for a Lot in the Town of Hardwicke No 7, Registered 15th. June 1757.
Grant dated 16th. Decemr 1756,
To Alexander Wylly for a Town Lot and 50 Acres of Land in the Town and District of Savannah, Registred 15th. June 1757.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To Joseph Masey for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Newport, Registred 28th June 1757.
To Anne Hopkins for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Hallifax, Registred 28th. June 1757.
Allotted by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To Joseph Butler Senr for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Ogechee, Registred 14th July 1757.
Allotted by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To Joseph Butler Senr for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Ogechee, Registred 14th. July 1757.
Allotted by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To Joseph Butler Senr for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Ogechee, Registred 16th July 1757.
Allotted by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To Joseph Butler Senr for 300 Acres of Land in the District of Ogechee, Registred 16th. July 1757.
Allotted by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To Joseph Butler Senr for 300 Acres of Land in the District of Ogechee, Registred 16th. July 1757.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To Joseph Butler Senr for 140 Acres of Land in the District of Ogechee, Registred 16th. July 1757.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To Joseph Butler Senr for a Lot in the Town of Hardwicke No 96, Registred 18th. July 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To Joseph Butler Junr for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Ogechee, Registred 18th. July 1757.
To Joseph Butler Junr for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Ogechee, Registred 18th July 1757.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To Joseph Butler Junr for a Lot in the Town of Hardwicke No 115, Registred 18th. July 1757.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To Shem Butler for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Ogechee, Registred 18th. July 1757.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To Charles Zigmund Ott for a Garden Lot and 50 Acres of Land in the District of Ebenezer, Registred 20th. July 1757.
Allotted by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To Daniel Burgstainer for a Town Lot and 50 Acres of Land in the Township of Ebenezer, Registred 20th. July 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President & Assistants.
Grant dated 5th. April 1757,
To George Swijger [Swyger] for Town Lot Garden Lot and 50 Acres of Land in the Township of Ebenezer, Registred 20th. July 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President & Assistants.
Grant dated 7th. June 1757,
To Christian Rabenhorst for 3 Town Lots in the Town of Ebenezer, Registred 22nd July 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President & Assistants.
Grant dated 7th. June 1757,
To Kenneth Bailey for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Midway, Registred 22d July 1757.
Allotted by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 7th. June 1757,
To Joseph Atkinson for 200 Acres of Land in the District of Augusta, Registred 22nd July 1757.
To John Petitcrew for 200 Acres of Land in the District of Augusta, Registred 22d July 1757.
Grant dated 5th. Feby 1757,
To William Newberry for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Augusta, Registred 22d July 1757.
Grant dated 7th. July 1757,
To Elizabeth Hunold for life and to the Heirs of John Hunold at her decease 50 Acres of Land in the District of Ebenezer, Registred 22d July 1757.
Grant dated 7th. June 1757,
To John Davis Senr for 450 Acres of Land in the District of Newport, Registred 25th. July 1757.
Grant dated 7th. June 1757,
To John Davis Junr for 500 Acres of Land on the Island of Skidoway, Registred 25th. July 1757.
Allotted by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 7th. June 1757,
To John Davis Senr for a Lot in the Town of Hardwicke No 100, Registred 25th. July 1757.
Grant dated 7th. June 1757,
To John Davis for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Midway, Registred 25th. July 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President & Assistants.
Grant dated 7th. June 1757,
To William Davis for 200 Acres of Land in the District of Newport, Registred 25th. July 1757.
Grant dated 7th. June 1757,
To John Todd Junr for 100 Acres of Land in the District of Newport, Registred 25th. July 1757.
Allotted to him by the late President and Assistants.
Grant dated 7th. June 1757,
To John Martin Bolzius for 2 Town Lots and 100 Acres of Land in the Town and District of Ebenezer, Registred 25th. July 1757.
Allotted by the late President and Assistants.
AN ABSTRACT of all the Grants Registred in the Province of Georgia from 27th. January to 27 July 1757. Examined and compared with the original Register at Savannah this 29th. day of July 1757.
PAT: HOUSTOUN, Register.
A True Copy of a Form for Granting Land in Georgia, July 29, 1757, received Nov. 9, 1757, enclosed with abstract of grants, C.O. 5/646, C. 10.
George the Second by the Grace of God of Great Britain France and Ireland King Defender of the Faith and so forth; To all to whom these presents shall come greeting. Know ye that we of our special grace certain knowledge and mere motion have given and granted and by these presents for us our heirs and successors Do give and grant unto his heirs or Assigns all that Tract of Land containing Acres situate and being in the District of in our Province of Georgia bounded having such shape form and marks as appears by a Plat thereof hereunto annexed together with all woods under woods Timber and Timber Trees Lakes Ponds Fishings waters Water courses profits commodities Hereditaments and appurtenances whatsoever thereunto belonging or in any wise appertaining together also with privilege of hunting hawking and fowling in and upon the same and all mines and minerals whatsoever saving and reserving nevertheless to us our heirs and successors all White Pine Trees if any should be found growing thereon and also saving and reserving unto us our heirs and successors One tenth part of Mines of Silver and Gold only To have and to hold the said Tract of Acres of Land and all and singular other the premises hereby granted with the appurtenances unto the said his heirs and assigns for ever in fee and common Soccage he the said his heirs or assigns yielding and paying therefore unto us our heirs and successors or to our Receiver General for the time being or to his deputy or deputies for the time being yearly and every year on the twenty fifth day of March at the rate of Two shillings Sterling for every hundred Acres and so in proportion according to the quantity of Acres contained herein the same to commence at the end and expiration of two years from the date hereof Provided always and this present Grant is upon condition nevertheless that he the said his heirs or assigns shall and do within three years after the date hereof for every 50 Acres of Plantable Land hereby granted clear and work three Acres at least in that part thereof as he or they shall judge most convenient and advantageous or else do clear and drain three Acres of Swamp or sunken grounds or drain three Acres of Marsh if any such contained herein and shall and do within the time aforesaid put and keep upon every fifty Acres thereof accounted barren three Neat Cattle or six sheep or goats and continue the same thereon until three Acres for every fifty Acres be fully cleared and improved or otherwise if any part of the said Tract shall be stony or rocky ground and not fit for planting or pasture shall and do within three years as aforesaid begin to employ thereon and so continue to work for three years then next ensuing in digging any stone quarry or Coal or other Mine one good and able hand for every hundred Acres it shall be accounted a sufficient cultivation and improvement Provided also that every three Acres which shall be cleared and worked or cleared and drained as aforesaid shall be accounted a sufficient Seating Planting Cultaivation and improvement to save for ever from forfeiture fifty Acres of Land in any part of the Tract hereby granted and the said his heirs and assigns shall be at liberty to withdraw his or their stock or to forbear working in any quarry or mine in proportion to such cultivation and improvement as shall be made upon the plantable Lands Swamps sunken grounds or marshes herein contained and if the said RENT hereby reserved shall happen to be in arrear and unpaid for the space of one year from the time it shall become due and no distress can be found on the said lands Tenements and hereditaments hereby granted that then and in such case the said lands tenements and hereditaments hereby granted and every part and parcel thereof shall revert to us our heirs and Successors as fully and absolutely as if the same had never been granted Provided also if this Grant shall not be duly registered in the Registers Office of our said Province within six Months from the date hereof and a Docquet thereof also entered in the Auditors Office of the same (in case such Establishment shall hereafter take place) that then this Grant shall be void anything herein contained to the contrary notwithstanding Given under the Broad Seal of our Province of Georgia Witness our trusty and well beloved Henry Ellis Esquire our Lieutenant Governor and Commander in chief in and over our said Province the day of in the year of our Lord and in the year of our Reign.
PAT: HOUSTOUN, Register.
A True Copy of a Form for Granting Land in the Township of Savannah, July 29, 1757, received Nov. 9, 1757, enclosed with abstract of grants, C.O. 5/646, C. 10.
George the Second by the Grace of God of Great Britain France and Ireland King Defender of the Faith and so forth; To all to whom these Presents shall come Greeting. Know ye that we of our Special Grace certain knowledge and mere Motion have given and Granted and by these Presents for us our heirs and Successors do give and grant unto his heirs and assigns all that Town Lot known by the Number in the first Tything Anson Ward in the Town of Savannah in our Province of Georgia containing sixty feet in front and ninety feet in depth and all that Garden Lot thereto belonging containing five Acres situate East of the said Town and known by the number and also all that farm Lot to the said Town Lot and Garden Lot laid out and belonging containing forty five Acres and known by the Number having such shape form and marks as appears by a Plat thereof hereunto annexed together with all woods underwoods Timber and Timber Trees Lakes Ponds Fishings waters Watercourses Profits Commodities Hereditaments and appurtenances whatsoever thereunto belonging or in anywise appertaining together also with Privilege of hunting hawking and fowling in and upon the same and all mines and minerals whatsoever saving and reserving nevertheless to us our heirs and Successors all white Pine Trees if any should be found growing thereon and also saving and reserving unto us our heirs and successors one tenth part of Mines of Silver and Gold only To have and to hold the said Town Lot Garden Lot and Farm Lot and all and singular other the premises hereby granted with the appurtenances unto the said his heirs and assigns for ever in free and common soccage he the said his heirs or assigns Yielding and paying there- fore unto us our heirs and successors or to our Receiver General for the time being or to his deputy or deputies for the time being yearly and every year on the twenty fifth day of March at the rate of two shillings sterling for an hundred Acres and so in proportion according to the quantity of Acres contained herein the same to commence at the end and expiration of two years from the date hereof Provided always and this present grant is upon condition nevertheless that he the said his heirs or assigns shall and do within three years after the date of these presents erect and build or cause to be erected and built on the said Town Lot hereby granted one good dwelling house after the usual manner of building in our said Province containing at least 20 feet in length and sixteen feet in breadth and also shall and do put and keep upon the land hereby granted three Neat Cattle or six Sheep or Goats or otherwise to clear and work three Acres in that part thereof as he or they shall judge most convenient and advantageous and if the said Rent hereby reserved shall happen to be in arrear and unpaid for the space of one year from the time it shall become due and no distress can be found on the said Lands Tenements and hereditaments hereby granted that then and in such case the said Lands Tenements and hereditaments hereby granted and every part and parcel thereof shall revert to us our heirs and successors as fully and absolutely as if the same had never been granted Provided also if this Grant shall not be duly registered in the Register’s Office of our said Province within six Months from the date hereof and a Docquet thereof also entered in the Auditors Office of the same (in case such establishment shall hereafter take place) that then this Grant shall be void any thing herein contained to the contrary notwithstanding Given under the Broad Seal of our Province of Georgia Witness our Trusty and well beloved Henry Ellis Esqr our Lieutenant Governor and Commander in Chief in and over our said Province the day of in the year of our Lord and in the year of our Reign
PAT HOUSTOUN, Register.
A True Copy of a Form for Granting Land in the Town of Hardwick, July 29, 1757, received Nov. 9, 1757, enclosed with abstract of grants, C.O. 5/646, C. 10.
George the Second by the Grace of God of Great Britain France and Ireland King Defender of the Faith and so forth; To all to whom these Presents shall come greeting. Know ye that we of our special grace certain knowledge and meer Motion have given and granted and by these presents for us our heirs and Successors Do give and grant unto his heirs and assigns all that Town Lot in the Town of Hardwicke in our Province of Georgia known by the number bounded as in and by the Certificate hereunto annexed under the hands of our Surveyors General of Lands in our said Province may more fully appear and contains in width Seventy Six feet and an half and an hundred thirteen feet and an half in depth To have and to hold the said Town lot hereby granted with the appurtenances together with all Trees thereon growing or being ways waters passages privileges and appurtenances whatsoever to the said lot belonging or in any wise appertaining unto the said his heirs and assigns for ever in free and common Soccage he the said his heirs or assigns Yielding and paying for the said Town Lot unto us our heirs and successors Yearly and every Year one peppercorn if demanded Provided always and this present Grant is upon condition nevertheless that the said his heirs or assigns shall within two years next after the date of these presents erect and build upon the said lot hereby granted one good sufficient tennantable house with one Brick Chimney at least and if it shall happen that the said his heirs or assigns shall neglect to build a house as aforesaid upon the Lot hereby granted then and in that case the said his heirs and assigns shall forfeit and pay unto us our heirs and successors the sum of one pound sterling money yearly and every year for not building upon the said Lot as aforesaid until such house shall be completely finished and also if the said his heirs or assigns shall not within the space of ten years from the date hereof erect and build an house upon the said Lot according to the dimensions aforesaid that then the said Lot hereby granted not being build upon as aforesaid shall revert to us our heirs and successors as fully and absolutely to all intents and purposes as if the same had never been granted Provided also if this Grant shall not be duly registered in the Register’s Office of our said Province within six Months from the date hereof and a Docquet thereof also entered in the Auditors Office of the same (in case such establishment shall hereafter take place) that then this Grant shall be void anything herein contained to the contrary notwithstanding Given under the Broad Seal of our Province of Georgia Witness our trusty and well beloved Henry Ellis Esquire our Lieutenant Governor and Commander in Chief in and over our said Province the day of in the Year of our Lord and in the year of our Reign.
PAT: HOUSTOUN, Register.
Henry Ellis to the Earl of Holderness, Sept. 20, 1757, Georgia, received March 27, 1758, acknowledging new instructions to be given to captains of privateers not to attack Spanish ships and giving some comments on English-Creek relations in wartime.
My Lord
By Your Lordship’s Letter of the 20th May inclosing an Extract of a Letter from Vice Admiral Townsend, & some Affidavits thereunto annexed, I am made acquainted with the pyratical Proceedings of the Commanders of some of our Privateers towards the King of Spains Subjects. His Majesty’s Commands in consequence of them, I shall shew the utmost regard to by doing everything in my power to bring such notorious Offenders to justice, should they put into any port of this Province. The additional printed Instructions for the direction of the Captains of Privateers, I shall distribute as occasion offers, & strongly insist upon the rigour with which the breach of them will be punished.
I have nothing to add My Lord but that this Colony at present enjoys perfect tranquillity. The Creek Indians have been dissatisfied with us, but I flatter myself that some steps which we have taken, & others that we intend to take at a Congress that I expect soon to hold with them, will reconcile every misunderstanding, tho’ it may be proper to observe to Your Lordship that the french have acquired such ascendency over those Savages owing to our negligence in times of peace, that it will scarce be possible to effect more than to keep them quiet during the War. There is a necessity for giving constant attention to these people, the uniform conduct of the french in this respect deserves our imitation. Some of the Indians have told me that the English are kind to them only in time of War, in which there may be some truth. Your Lordship may be assured that I am thoroughly sensible how necessary it is to stand well with these people at this juncture, and that I will strenuously exert myself in every measure conducive to that end.
Henry Ellis to the Board of Trade, Sept. 20, 1757, Savannah, read Feb. 22, 1758, C.O. 5/646, C. 12, giving an account of Indian affairs since his last letter.
My Lords
The last letter I did myself the honor to write to your Lordships was of the 1st of August accompanied by several other dispatches. I now transmit all the public papers that are ready together with a list of them and of those above.
Since my last I had an interview at Port Royal with Governor Lyttleton and Colonel Bouquet, the Commander of the forces in the Southern provinces where the plan of our future proceedings with the Indians and many other matters of less moment were settled, Besides concerting the best measures we could devise for our common safety. Mr Lyttleton is solicitous that his Government should have the Lead in all Indian Negotiations, a point that I very willingly yield to him, for I shall be sufficiently happy if the object of them is obtained without concerning myself about preeminence. It is therefore fixed that the Indian Chiefs of the Creek Nation visit them before they come here & this is not improper considering the superior ability of that Colony to provide amply for them, & the number of troops that are now there which will impress a stronger idea of our power than anything that could be seen here, tho’ this Province is in a better condition at present, than it has been at any time since the reduction of General Oglethorpe’s Regiment. Four of Five forts of earth and Wood are built and building in different Districts, & this Town is now in-closed in the manner I described in my last letter. Several small cannon that were buried in the Sand I have raised and mounted the greatest part on Carriages as I intend to do the rest.
Lord Loudoun has authorized me to keep the Troop of Rangers on foot that Mr Reynolds began to levy until His Majesty’s pleasure concerning them shall be known. Besides Colonel Bouquet on my application has spared us 100 of the Provincial Troops of Virginia who are Quartered in this Town. The Rangers have posted near the Great Indian Pass upon the Ogechee River, with orders to make themselves perfectly acquainted with the Country, and to raise a strong intrenchment round their Camp. These are all the Military dispositions our circumstances will allow us to make. The last accounts we had from the Indian Countrys contain nothing unusual. Some of those people are inclined to the French, others to us, whence I am willing to conclude that as long as that different sentiments subsist we shall not be in much danger of an attack from that quarter, tho’ the french employ every art to bring it about. Scarce a week passes but I have indian visitants who, not coming under a national character, I can only talk with them upon general topics. The substance of our conversation your Lordships will find in the Minutes of Council. There are many that we use no formalities to, and with whom I have often conferences at my own house where I always entertain them in the best manner I can as they are very sensible of respect, I observe this kind of treatment is very grateful to them. But these hospitalities are very expensive, and draw an unusual number about us, yet surely no pains or charges are lost that have a tendency to retain these people in our interest, for it is terrible to think of the devastation and destruction that a breach with them would produce. I therefore beg leave to entreat your Lordships that endeavors may be used to enable us to support and maintain this good Correspondence which I apprehend cannot be done, but by means of annual presents and a competent fund to entertain them and supply their accidental necessitys. I grant that this will occasion considerable expense but when that is put in competition with the great evils, & much greater expense it may prevent, the Nation must be reconciled to it. If my Lord I speak ignorantly or too freely upon this subject being unacquainted with the powers & Commission Mr Atkins may have I hope I shall experience your usual indulgence and I must further use the freedom to observe that let the nature of that Gentlemans employment be what it will it may probably take some years before the Indians will be brought to treat with them separately, and upon national matters, regardless of the Governors of His Majestys Provinces, as they cannot suddenly comprehend the design or expediency of such appointments nor forsake at once a course they have been long accustomed to. The Agent I sent up to the Creek Nation some Months ago I have yet received no accounts from; but am informed by some straggling Indians, that he arrived there discharged his Commission and that the Head Men are preparing to come down. In regard to our people they are quiet and as far as I can judge content. They begin to think I have their interest sincerely at heart and shew all manner of disposition to second my endeavors and contribute to my case & happiness.
John Reynolds to the Board of Trade, Oct. 14, 1757, London, C.O. 5/646, C. 1, notifying them of his return to England.
My Lords
In obedience to your Lordship’s Letter to me of the 5th of August 1756 I am returned to this Kingdom from my Government of Georgia & desire to know when I may have the Honour to wait upon your Lordships to receive your further commands.
William Pitt to the Board of Trade, Oct. 20, 1757, Whitehall, C.O. 5/646, C. 2, asking that the Board inquire into Reynold’s conduct as Governor of Georgia.
My Lords
Having laid before the King your Lordships letter of the 13th July last acquainting me for His Majesty’s information that Mr Reynolds Governor of Georgia who had been directed to return to England in consequence of your Lordships Representation of the 29th July 1756 is arrived. I am commanded to signify the King’s pleasure to your Lordships that you do proceed to an enquiry into the conduct of Mr Reynolds and the state of the Province of Georgia during his residence there as Governor and that you do report your opinion what it may be proper for His Majesty to do thereupon.
Henry Ellis to the Board of Trade, Oct. 22 1757, Georgia, read Feb. 22, 1758, C.O. 5/646, C. 13, relating a settlement intended to be made by the Spaniards between St. Augustine and Pensacola and other affairs of the province.
My Lords,
The occurrences from the 1st of August to the 20th of September were comprised in a Letter I wrote your Lordships of the latter date; those that happened since shall be the subject of the present.
I have received certain advice from St Augustine that the Governor there is by order from his Court is intent on settling the lands between Augustine & Pencacola, the Appalachee fields and those bordering upon us but how far this way I cannot learn. For this purpose 500 families are appointed 70 whereof are just arrived. His Catholic Majesty allows a Piaster a day to each person for the first year besides a certain quantity of provisions, and Utensils of Husbandry to the head of every family. How such a Settlement will affect us is not very clear, but were our boundaries so actually defined that no altercation could thence arise, ‘tis possible it might be beneficial to us by opening a new Vent for our Manufactures & other commodities in times of peace. Nor would it upon the whole be disadvantageous in case of a war.
The Spaniards in Florida are formidable at present from their being shut up in Forts & consequently cannot easily be annoyed by us, who on the contrary from our dispersion are liable to be injured in many places. But were they scattered in small Settlements they would be equally vincible and have the same inclination to maintain a good correspondence with our Neighbours. That Province can never arrive at a dangerous pitch of power, being so detached from the rest of the Spanish Dominions & hemmed in by the French & us. Besides they have other almost insuperable difficulties to contend with—the barrenness of the Soil, the natural indolence of the Spaniards, the jealousy of the Creek Indians — are impediments that will retard its progress a hundred different ways.
The apparent motive which induces the Spaniards to attempt establishing this new Colony is to have subsistence in their own power for the Garrisons of Augustine & Pencacola, who often experience the greatest hardships for want of provisions as all that is consumed in those place is furnished by us, & the French; Augustine from New York & Pencacola at an exorbitant rate from the Settlements on the Mississippi. These circumstances joined to the consideration of the declining state of our Commerce with the Spaniards, naturally suggest the expediency & even necessity of a discretionary power being given to the Governors of the Southern Provinces of admitting Spanish Vessels into our Ports, to supply themselves with certain Articles which we can spare without prejudice to ourselves. Were they allowed to introduce their Bullion, Log Wood, Cochineal, and such other produces, as are of national benefit, & to carry away none but British Manufactures of a certain species, doubtless great advantages would accrue to the Mother Country. In fact such a traffick would be between Great Britain and the Spanish Colonies by the Channel of our Provinces as all the commodities supplied the latter must come from home & whatever we get in exchange go thither. This trade is not prohibited by the English Laws where our own shipping are employed. On the contrary it has been the constant policy of the Nation to encourage it; but the great risk to our Adventurers from the vigilance of the Spanish Officers & Guarda Costas & the frequent differences it has occasioned between the two Nations has put an almost effectual stop to it; and bereft us of a very lucrative branch of Commerce. But none of these difficulties will occur in alloeing the Spaniards to take such risks upon themselves which they are sufficiently inclined to. ‘Tis true such indulgence seems not to square with the letter of the Navigation Act, but I presume it not repugnant to its spirit, since it would have a tendency to encrease our heights and Shipping instead of diminishing them.
Vast quantities of french manufactures are introduced by that people among the Spanish Settlements in the Bay of Mexico which would not find so ready a vent there if the Spaniards were permitted to furnish themselves at an easier rate from our Plantations. They even attempt to force this for scarce a Month passes that some of their Vessels are not to be found in our Harbours or hovering upon our Coasts, & our utmost vigilance can hardly prevent them in a Country abounding with excellent Ports, where there are but few Officers, & no Cruizers to guard them. These observations shew the advantageous situation of this Colony which improves daily. ‘Tis expected that the years produce will be double the last & by the best calculation I have been able to form with the assistance of the most intelligent people here there is not less than the value of £40,000 of British Manufactures annually imported for the consumption of the Inhabitants and the Indian Trade. Besides other articles from the West India Islands, & Northern Colonies. The Southern part of this Province is thicker settled & better improved than near Savannah particularly on the River Medway, where a Town called Sundbury is building. The Inhabitants thereabouts have entreated me to move your Lordships that it may be made a Port of Entry.25 Their Address for this purpose I transmit herewith.
As to other affairs of the Province they do not much differ from what I described in my last letter. Every body seems satisfied and at ease. No new alarms have arisen. Could we depend that our present Situation would be lasting, we might reckon ourselves the happiest people at this time in America. But our weakness renders this quiet extremely precarious exposing us to the attacks of the enemy & the caprice & insolence of the Creek Indians. ‘Tis true they have not given us any recent grounds for apprehension, but on the contrary have been more orderly than usual & as far as I can penetrate they are inclinable to observe a neutrality between us and the French, tho’ they are incessantly teized by them, & their Emissaries, some Vagrant Shawanese settled near the Albamas who breath nothing but revenge for the loss of three of their Clan, lately cut off by a party of our men & a few Cherokees near Fort Loudoun.26 Still I am willing to flatter myself that neither their endeavors nor those of the French, will be capable of detaching the Creeks from our Alliance. It may not be amiss to observe to your Lordships that these Savages are very attentive of late to the encroachments of the Europeans, & have already taken the alarm at the Spanish New Settlement. One of their Tribes a few days ago attacked a plantation near Augustine, destroyed the Cattle, set fire to the Houses & carried off the people. Previous to this they had seized two Spaniards on the Borders of this Province, whom they would have put to death immediately had not some of our people interposed. These by my mediation were released. The same Indians were soon afterwards with me at Savannah when I used many arguments to dissuade them from persisting in such outrages. Whatever impressions I made upon them did not prevent others from even committing greater enormities. I was early apprised of their dissatisfaction & designs, & immediately wrote the Spanish Governor all I knew at the same time declared my disapprobation of such proceedings & tendered my good offices for a reconcileation in which I was very sincere, as the preservation of a general tranquility in these parts is what I have much at heart. But tho’ my professions & conduct seem to acquit me in the Governor’s opinion of secretly kindling this flame yet he harbours other sentiments of Gray & his followers whom he impeaches as Incendiaries, & in a letter he sent me desires that the English settled on the Catholic Kings Territories may for these reasons be commanded to withdraw, a requisition that I shall answer in vague & general terms but so as to render a further correspondence upon these points unnecessary.
This misunderstanding between the Spaniards & Indians will probably keep the latter more steadily in our interests, & be productive of other good effects. We must be attentive to this incident, & tho’ there appears danger in intermeddling yet I conceive advantages may be reaped from it. It would be rash to point them out, since they depend upon a discreet and very delicate conduct, always adapted to the circumstances of the conjecture. To attempt diminishing the deep rooted aversion these Savages have to the Spaniards would certainly be bad policy and it is evident that while they are thus embroiled there is less danger of their breaking with us. On the other hand I am entirely sensible that at this juncture the giving umbrage to the Court of Spain might be attended with the worse consequences; but this I shall scrupulouly avoid. I am well aware that this is a ticklish business & must be managed with the utmost caution & prudence for which reason I shall take no steps without consulting my friend Governor Lyttleton. Your Lordships shall have Copies of all letters upon this subject in due time, to the end that if any explanation at home becomes necessary the means may be in your possession.
There remains to mention to your Lordships that the affair of the Bosomworths is still depending. I confess I have used some art to put off the tryal as the peoples notion of their power with the Indians is such that it is doubtful with me whether that alone on a hearing would not influence them to decide in their favor. Indeed it is not only mine but the wishes of the whole Colony, that this troublesome Affair was finished, for Mrs Bosomworth has questionless great ascendancy over some of the Indian tribes, which upon this occasion might be of service to us instead of being employed to our prejudice. I will therefore hope that your Lordships will think of some expedient of bringing it speedily to an issue either by sending out a Chief Justice capable of asserting the rights of the Crown, & such other means as will enable us to baffle the efforts of these people with the Indians, should matters go against them, or authorise some person to adjust it in any other way that your Lordships wisdom will suggest for in this case a delay alone is in many respects exceedingly injurious to the prosperity of the Colony.
Receipt from John Graham to William Little, Agent for Indian Affairs, Feb. 16, 1757, received March 2, 1758, read same day, C.O. 5/646, C. 14, for Indian presents.
John Graham
Bond given by Martin Campbell, et al, Indian Traders, to William Little, June 15, 1756, Augusta, received and read, March 2, 1758, C. O. 5/646, C. 15, for the safe carrying up of presents to the Chickasaw Indians.
GEORGIA
KNOW ALL MEN by these presents that we Martin Campbell of Augusta in the Province aforesaid merchants Jerome Courtone John Brown and John Pettigrove Indian Traders are holden & firmly bound unto William Little Esquire Agent for Indian affairs in the sum of five hundred pounds sterling lawful money of Great Britain to be paid unto the said William Little his certain Attorney heirs executors administrators And Assigns or to the [Agent] of Indian affairs for the time being to which payment well and truly to be made we bind ourselves our heirs executors and administrators firmly by these presents Signed and sealed with our Seals and dated the 15th. day of June An Dom 1756 and in the twenty ninth year of His Majesty’s Reign.
The condition of the above obligation is such that if the above named Jerome Courtone John Brown & John Pettigrove or either of them do immediately and safely carry up to the Checkesaw Nation the presents designed for the Indians of that Nation now delivered to them by David Douglass as by a List or Schedule is hereunto annexed and there distribute them to the head men and others of the Checkesaws residing there in the name of His Excellency John Reynolds Esqr. Governor of the Province of Georgia (inevitable and unavoidable accidents only and always excepted) and bring a receipt or testimony of such delivery & distribution from the said head men of the Indians & from what white people may be in the Checkesaw Nation at that time then this obligation to be void and of non effect or else to remain in full force and virtue.
| Signed and sealed in the presence of | MARTIN CAMPBELL (L.S.) JEROME COURTONE (L.S.) JOHN BROWN (L.S.) |
DA DOUGLASS
JAS GRAY
A List of Indian Presents to the Chickasaws delivered to Augusta, June 15, 1756, received and read March 2, 1758, enclosed with C.O. 5/646, C. 15.
Received the above Articles from Mr Douglass in good order and well conditioned.
JEROME COURTOUNE.
Certificate of David Douglass and Edward Barnard, Esquires, Augusta, received and read March 2, 1758, C.O. 5/646, C. 16, respecting the distribution of the Indian presents at Augusta.
WE David Douglass and Edward Barnard Esqrs. two of His Majesty’s Justices of the Peace for the District of Augusta being informed that several evil minded people have been industrious to spread abroad a false Report that the Presents sent by his Majesty for the Indians in Amity with this Province of Georgia were distributed at Augusta in such a manner that the Indians went away disgusted and the presents thereby rendered useless to his Majesty’s Service & the Benefit of the Province. We therefore declare that we were present at the distribution of the Presents and that it appeared to us to be made with the strictest justice discretion and frugality; and tho’ one of the Head Men demurred a little about his coming in yet when he came he was fully satisfied, and they all in general went away perfectly well pleased and as well satisfied as could be wished.
DA: DOUGLASS
EDWD. BARNARD.
Certificate upon Oath of Four Indian Traders, Nov. 20, 1756, Augusta, received and read March 2, 1758, C.O. 5/646, C. 17, respecting the distribution of the present to the Indians.
GEORGIA
WHEREAS we have been informed that several evil minded people have been industrious to spread about a false Report that the presents sent by his Majesty to the Indians in Amity with this Province of Georgia were distributed at Augusta in such a manner that the Indians were disgusted and the presents thereby rendered useless to His Majesty’s Service and the benefit of the Province WE the several Indian Trades whose names are hereunto subscribed do upon our Oath declare that we were present at the distribution of the Presents and that it appeared to us to be made with the strictest justice discretion and frugality and tho’ one of the Chiefs seemed at first displeased at the Governors return to Savannah yet being soon convinced of the necessity of it he was satisfied and the Head Men in general went home perfectly pleased with the friendly Reception they met with and the Event has proved they were sincere.
| Sworn to at Savannah the twentieth day of November 1756 before me | LACHLAN MC: GILLIVRAY GEORGE GALPHIN GEORGE JOHNSTON JAMES GERMANY |
JAS. CAMPBELL
A General Account of Indian Presents Distributed by Order of His Excellency John Reynolds Esqr. Governor of Georgia from the 16th day of December 1755 to the 15th day of February 1757 inclusive by William Little Agent. C.O. 5/646, C. 18.
[Legend for the following chart; letters to the right represent entries.]
As to the deficiency of Six Barrl of Powder there was given to Lieutenant Outerbridge of the Fort at Augusta
And as to the deficiency of one piece of Strouds it was expended in making a Tent for the Governor to lie under in the Woods.
The Address and Remonstrance of the Assembly of Georgia to the Board of Trade, Feb. 2, 1757, Savannah, received and read March 2, 1757, C.O. 5/646, C. 19, on certain points relative to the state of that province and the government thereof.27
Two Resolutions of the Assembly of Georgia appointing William Little Agent to the Board of Trade, Feb. 2, 1757, Savannah, received and read, March 2, 1758, C.O. 5/646, C. 20.28
Henry Ellis to the Board of Trade, Nov. 25, 1757, Savannah, read March 10, 1758, C.O. 5/646, C. 22, relating Indian affairs in the province.
My Lords
I did myself the honor to write to your Lordships on the 22d October a material transaction has since happened which I shall now relate. In my former letters I mentioned that I had sent an Agent to the Creek Country to invite the Chiefs to Savannah to receive his Majesty’s presents & to renew our friendships and alliance with them. At the same time I acquainted your Lordships that I had lately had a Meeting with Governor Lyttleton at Port Royal when it was agreed that these Indians should first go to Charlestown where his Excellency had received intelligence they were preengaged to go by Mr Pepper his Agent who had been dispatched for that purpose to the Creek Nation from an apprehension that our interest was declining fast there. But Mr Littleton was misinformed, his Envoy tho sent up at a great expense and esteemed, well qualified, did not succeed in his Commission for the headmen could not be prevailed upon to return with him, although our Agent was instructed not to attempt bringing them here until they had been at Charlestown unless it appeared they had no immediate intention of going there. Mr Peppers miscarriage proceeded I believe from his being invested with, & exciting a power that gave offence to the Traders in the Nation, who to lessen his consequence & gratify their resentment counteracting his measures tho’ at the risk of their own safety.29
To prevent any obstruction of this sort & even avail myself of these peoples influence I wrote a particular & complaisant letter to each requesting their assistance at this juncture in behalf of their Country.
The consequence was that they all to show their importance, exerted themselves to oblige me. The principal Indians of 21 Towns to the number of 150 were induced to accept my invitation, set out accordingly with my Agent & arrived at this place the 29th. October as your Lordships will see by the Minutes of Council that accompany this.30 These Minutes contain a distinct and ample account of their reception and our transactions with them. I shall therefore only touch upon the principal parts. A treaty was concluded confirming all our former ones & by a new Article therein it was declared that the Indians never sold nor alienated the Lands & Islands in dispute to Mrs Bosomworth or to any other private person whatever but that they now gave the said Lands & Islands to me In trust as Representative of his Majesty.31 Your Lordships will readily see the importance of this concession which paves the way for obtaining an entire grant of these Lands, greatly invalidates the Bosomworth’s Pretensions, & leaves them in a manner at the mercy of the Crown. The Indians of their own accord made this proposal in Council to which however they were induced by the impressions that I had been making on them for several days before the Talk during which time I constantly entertained select parties of the leading men at my own house. The letter inserted in the minutes was from his Majesty to the Indians & was formed in consequence of the Agents telling them I had one as a stronger inducement for them to come down. It will perhaps seem strange to your Lordships that during the whole negotiation I never instigated the Indians to make war upon our Enemies. But I hope to demonstrate that in this I acted prudently. ‘Tis certain that the French by means of the Albama fort whence the Indians are daily supplied with presents have acquired a numerous party among those Savages wherefore if we should endeavor to make a breach between them it could only cause a civil war in the Nation which would immediately destroy our Indian Trade & considering our defenceless state might greatly endanger the safety of this Province. Hence ‘tis my firm opinion that it would be rash to attempt causing the Indians to break thro’ their Neutrality & that all I ought to endeavor is the maintaining our interest with them and this will be a great deal in our circumstances. The french, who are also sensible of their weakness on the Mississippi, observe the same conduct, but they disguise their real motive under the mask of friendship & regard for the Indians boasting in all public Talks of their disinterestedness & moderation.
“Whereas the English say they are restless and fond of spilling “human blood their ambition prompts them to it why else should they “be incessantly teazing you to murder us? & what is the object of “this ambition but to extirpate us whom they consider as your “friends & protectors in order the more easily to enslave & destroy “you & then possess themselves of your Lands.” These insinuations must have done us much prejudice but my late and future conduct will perhaps render them less effectual.
The Indians stayed with us near three Weeks & the charge of maintaining and accomodating such a Number has been very considerable. I think about £270 exclusive of the Agents expense & wages which amount to £70 more & yet I can truly say there was not sixpence spent unnecessarily. I gave them about 3/8th of the presents, which I distributed with my own hands knowing that would make them go much further & be better received. Besides they had their Guns Saddles & other Utensils repaired, a job as chargeable as buying new ones but this being customary in Carolina they expect it here & I thought that at such a time nothing in reason should be denied them lest a refusal in one instance should destroy the merit of all we had been doing. On the whole I am convinced there never was in this Country so large a number of principal Indians that departed better satisfied with their treatment & if I know anything of their disposition I may safely affirm that they will not easily be gained from us unless there be some neglect or mismanagement on our part. At the same time I must take the liberty to observe that in order to avoid such a misfortune the Governors of these Provinces or whoever has the charge of Indian affairs, should be effectually supported. That your Lordships may have a clear idea of what consequence it is to keep well with the Creek Indians, I send herewith an authentick List of the Number of Men fit to bear arms in each Town of that Country. These Indians are peculiarly connected with this Province they are constantly hunting in some part of it & perpetually in want of necessaries & they come regularly here for supplies. These must be furnished from home, the people here being in no condition to be at such an expense. £1,000 a year will scarce be sufficient for this service while our Enemies are so industrious & successful & surely this expense cannot be put in competition with the advantages that may accrue from it. I have ordered Mr Graham the Clerk of the Accounts to transmit to Mr Martyn an exact account along with the Vouchers of the particular charges attending this transaction. I have likewise wrote to Mr Martyn myself, & given him my opinion at large of the properest assortment of Goods for Indian presents hereafter & as no relaxation or neglect must be suffered in this critical time I hope your Lordships will employ your good offices to obtain an immediate supply for what remains of the last must soon be exhausted.
A List of the Number of Gun men in the Different Towns of the Upper and Lower Creek Nations, Georgia, read March 10, 1758, enclosed with Ellis to the Board of Trade, Nov. 25, 1757, C.O. 5/646, C. 22, taken from the best accounts to be got from Indian Traders and the Indians themselves.
Henry Ellis to the Board of Trade, Dec. 7, 1757, Georgia, received March 30, read April 5, 1758, C.O. 5/646, C. 27, giving an account of the practices of Bosomworth with the chiefs of the Creek Indians and proposing a compromise with Bosomworth.
My Lords
Your Lordships I hope will receive a letter I did myself the honor to write to you the 25th of last Month wherein was a full & circumstantial account of our proceedings with the Head Men of the Creek Nation lately here together with the Minutes of Council during our negociations and a Copy of the Treaty concluded at that time. I shall now relate to your Lordships an incident that deserves particular notice.
Among the Chiefs who signed that Treaty was a Son of the late Malachi who was stiled Emperor of the Creeks; he was the great friend of the Bosomworths & the person who took upon him to sell them the Lands they claim. Part of the consideration given for them consisted in Cattle which were left to breed on the Island St Catherines for the benefit of Malachi; they are now multiplied to 100 head & may be worth £200 Stirling. Whilst the Young Man was here the Bosomworths sent some of their Indian Emissaries to acquaint him with this circumstance & engage him to visit them on his return from me. These Savages are all mercenary. The prospect of so considerable an advantage tempted him to go thither where so many false & artful insinuations were employed as prevailed on him to return here in order to disavow the cession of those Lands which the Indians by treaty made over to me in Trust. Mrs. Bosomworth accompanied him & he demanded a hearing before the Council at which she should be present. But this I peremptorily refused & pointed out the absurdity of his attempting singly to cancel what had been done by the unanimous consent of the Head Men of this Country. I convinced him how injurious such a step would be to his own reputation & future interest refuted all the idle & false stories he had heard & dismissed him to all appearance entirely satisfied. Yet Mrs Bosomworth had influence enough to carry him home with her again & what new impressions she may make on him I cannot say. The current report now is that she intends going with him to the Nation in order to solicit a New Grant of the Lands. But this may prove a difficult task as I have instructed our Agent who returns thither forthwith to take proper measures for traversing her intrigues. Your Lordships must behold with indignation this insolent attempt to obstruct the public measures, & render fruitless all the expense & endeavors that have been employed for the general good. An attempt that under no other Government could be suffered with impugnity but which our want of power & the circumstances of the Times impel us to overlook. However to put it out of the power of any persons embroiling us hereafter in this way I shall endeavor when the Assembly meets to have a Law passed to prohibit & invalidate all purchases of Land from the Indians.
In my former letters I took the liberty to give it as my opinion that it would be highly conducive to the prosperity of this Colony were the disputes with these people amicably decided. I still retain the same sentiments & before the Indian Congress, I had sounded Bosomworth by means of some of my friends on this head. He seemed tractable & soon after sent me proposals for a Compromise, a Copy of which I now transmit to your Lordships, to which I must add that he engages to obtain an absolute Cession of those Lands to the Crown provided his terms are accepted. Indeed they are much beyond what he ought to expect & perhaps what he would submit to. Yet should your Lordships think it proper to comply with them I believe two thirds of the sum he requires might be raised by the Sale of the Islands Ossabaw and Sappalo.
Perhaps my Lords it would be superflous for me to urge further the expediency of finishing this troublesome affair which for several years has been a sourse of variance with the Indians, kept the people of this Colony under constant apprehensions & a large quantity of the best lands on our Sea Coast waste. And though the lands in question are now given in Trust to me as Representative of his Majesty I see no way at present whereby they may be effectually gained to the Crown and settled but by some such expedient as is now proposed. The expectations of this kind that the Bosomworths entertain prevent their taking any very violent steps which I am persuaded they would not stop at were they drove to despair. Nothing that I have hitherto done in this matter is conclusive my intention being only to amuse and procrastinate till a more favorable season; for until I should be furnished with fuller powers & instructions from your Lordships concerning it.
I have now the pleasure to acquaint your Lordships that the kindness we lately shewed the Creek Indians is like to produce very good effects upon the Chactaws, a numerous nation bordering upon the Creeks & hitherto in alliance with the French. For I had yesterday information from those parts that many of them have been in the Creek Nation purchasing English Goods, & making Overtures to our Traders of entering upon a friendly & commercial correspondence with these provinces. I shall exert myself to improve this incident which may be productive of the best consequences.
This with the greatest concern & regret My Lords that I just learn by a letter from Mr Martyn dated in August that your Lordships had then received no letters from me though I have wrote every Month since I came here in the most circumstantial manner & always sent four Copies of each Letter. I now send a fifth copy of my whole Correspondence by way of New York.
Proposal of Thomas Bosomworth’s to Lt. Gov. Henry Ellis, Oct. 31, 1757, Savannah, received March 30, read April 5, 1758, C.O. 5/646, C. 28, enclosed with Ellis to the Board of Trade, Dec. 7, 1757, for surrendering his pretensions to certain lands and islands in Georgia.
WHEREAS the Revd Thomas Bosomworth & Mary his Wife in the year 1754 took a Voyage to England as well to complain of the great grievances they had then suffered from the then President & Court of Assistants as to solicit payment for services performed & money advanced for his Majesty’s service in that province & did accordingly present sundry Memorials & Petitions to & also lay their Accounts & Vouchers before the proper Boards in England praying relief & the only opposition to their then obtaining it arose from the President & Assistants having in their letters & journals (called the Records of the Province) from time to time represented the said Bosomworth & his Wife as the Authors of great disorders & having done very ill Offices to the prejudice of the Colony; And as their Lordships (The Lords Commissioners for Trade and plantations) were of opinion that they could not enter properly into a consideration of the merits of the said Bosomworth’s Services & claims & allegations without first giving the late President & Court of Assistants an opportunity of making good their charges against them, their Lordships sent over a Commission to the then Governor of Georgia with directions to call before him the parties concerned & examine into the truth of the charge and allegations of each part & to report upon the whole. So that after a tedious voyage & solicitation that cost them near £1000 Sterling driven to the necessity of parting with the reversion of a paternal Estate in England to enable them to return; & labouring under every sense of injury & circumstance of distress by the long delay of payment of their just claims & demands; They came back to Georgia to attend the execution of the said Commission which in its Consequences proved the charges & allegations exhibited against the said Bosomworth & Wife to be false groundless & malicious & no attempt was made to disprove or controvert any of the facts set forth in the aforesaid Memorials &C or to support any of the former charges against them; Two Copies of which proceedings have already been sent for England but ‘tis feared neither of them has arrived which greatly adds to the said Bosomworth’s misfortunes.
And whereas the said Thomas Bosomworth & Mary his Wife also presented a Memorial to the Right Honorable the Lords Commissioners for Trade and plantations setting forth their right & title to certain Islands in the Colony of Georgia known by the name of St Catherines Sapala & Ossabaw & a certain Tract of Main Land upon Savannah River known by the name of the Indian Land; withal complaining of injuries by them sustained in encroachments made upon the main land some of which about the year 1750 had been run out in virtue of Warrants for that purpose from the late president & Court of Assistants, Altho it [is] well known that the said Mary Bosomworth was in possession of the said Land in her own right before Georgia was settled & the same moreover was ratified & confirmed to her by the Creek Nation in 1737 at a General Meeting at the Town House in Savannah in the presence of James Oglethorpe Esqr & by her peaceably & uninterruptedly enjoyed to the time of the aforesaid Encroachments made; & the Title Deeds of the said Thomas & Mary Bosomworth to the aforesaid Islands & also the Treaties &C upon which they were founded were with the said Memorial produced & examined at their Lordships Board & their Lordships were pleased to give for Answer “That it was a matter which their Lordships could not possibly take cognizance of not being a prudential consideration but a question of property which must be heard & determined by a legal process in the Courts of Common Law or equity in the Colony from which if any of the said parties should not rest satisfied with the Judgment or Decree they would have the liberty of Appeal to His Majesty in Council. “
And altho’ the said Thomas & Mary Bosomworth are well assured by the opinions of as able Council as any in England of the legality of their Titles; have seen the Decree at the Court at Kensington of the 10th August 1732 in a case of similar nature respecting Lands in the province of Massachusetts Bay purchased from Indians by Sir Bibye Lake & others in favor of the purchasers & have already been at considerable expense in bringing Ejectments against the Tenants in possession of some of the said Lands yet as the final determination of the causes may be very expensive & tedious & must consequently in the interim retard the cultivation & improvement of the lands for the benefit of the Colony & the Crown: In proof of their zeal & loyalty & of their good wishes for the more speedy establishment of the province the said Thomas Bosomworth & Mary his Wife are willing to make a Resignation to the Crown of all their Claim Right and Title in & to certain portions of the said Islands & Main Land & all other pretensions of that kind whatever; (except as hereafter excepted) & also to give a full discharge of all debts claims & Demands upon the Government for moneys advanced or services performed in Georgia for his Majestys service since the first settlement of the Colony upon the following terms & conditions namely:
That they will by good & effectual conveyances in the Law release all their right title & interest whatsoever in & to the said two Islands Ossabaw & Sapala, & the Tract of Main Land upon Savannah River from the Out lines of the Town Common to a place called Pipe Makers Creek.
That in consideration thereof & in full of their demands for Money advanced for His Majesty’s Service & Mary Bosomworths personal service since the first settlement of the Colony (as by the several Accounts now lying before the Lords Commissioners for trade & plantations & vouchers in the hands of their Agent fully appear) the sum of £3,000 sterling shall be paid the said Thomas Bosomworth in the space of twelve Months from this date clear of all deductions.
That the said Thomas Bosomworth shall also be sufficiently indemnified & saved harmless against Isaac Levy late of Broad Street London Esqr in respect to certain Articles of Agreement entered into between them the said Bosomworth & Levy in the penal sum of £1,000, a true copy of which said Articles are hereunto annexed.
That the Island St Catherines shall be ratified & confirmed by the Crown to the said Thomas Bosomworth & his heirs upon the terms that other Lands are held in the province; & also that the said Thomas Bosomworth shall have a reasonable time allowed him to withdraw any Stock or Interest of his that may be upon the Islands of Sapala or Ossabaw at the time these proposals shall be accepted.
That the above proposals not being approved of, or not duly carried into execution, according to the Intent & true meaning thereof the said Thomas Bosomworth & his Wife do hereby save & reserve to themselves all right title claim interest & benefit in the premises with full liberty to prosecute in such manner as they shall think expedient without suffering prejudice by the construction of any matter or thing herein contained.
Given under my hand & seal at Savannah this the 31st October 1757
THOS BOSOMWORTH
This Instrument was executed in the presence of
Copy of Articles of Agreement between Thomas Bosomworth and Issac Levi, Oct. 14, 1754, Georgia, received March 30, read April 5, 1758, C.O. 5/646, C. 29, enclosed with Ellis to Board of Trade, Dec. 15, 1757.
Articles of Agreement indented had made concluded & fully agreed upon this 14th. October in the 28th year of the Reign of our Soverign Lord George the Second by the Grace of God of great Britain France & Ireland King defender of the Faith, & so forth, & in the Year of our Lord 1754 Between Thomas Bosomworth of Fetter Lane, London, Clerk, & Mary his Wife (late named Coosaponakeesa rightfull & natural Princess of the Upper & Lower Creek Nations in America) of the one part & Isaac Levy of Broad Street London Esqr. of the other part as follows that is to say:
First it is covenanted & agreed by & between the said Parties hereto & the said Thomas Bosomworth & Mary his Wife for the Consideration herein after mentioned have agreed to sell & convey unto the said Isaac Levy & his heirs and the said Thomas Bosomworth for himself & the said Mary his Wife their heirs Executors & Administrators doth covenant promise & agree to & with the said Isaac Levy his heirs Executors Administrators & Assigns by these presents that they the said Thomas Bosomworth & Mary his Wife & their heirs shall & will on or before the 18th. October instant by such Conveyances Assurances Ways & Means in the Law as the said Isaac Levy his heirs or Assigns or his or their Council shall advise fully & absolutely grant bargain sell release convey & assure unto him the said Isaac Levy & his heirs Executors & Administrators mutually covenant & agree with each other that from & immediately after such Grants & Confirmations from the Crown of the said three Islands or such part thereof as shall be applied for shall be procured as aforesaid. And in Case the same Grants & Confirmations shall be refused from & immediately after the present Title which the said Thomas Bosomworth & Mary his Wife have to the said three Islands shall be found to be good valid & effectual in the Law without such Grants & Confirmations being obtained and from & immediately after the said Isaac Levy shall be in the full quiet & peaceable Possession of the said one undivided Moiety of the said three Islands to the Use of him & his heirs That then a joint & equal Copartnership shall be entered into by Articles in Writing by & between them the said Thomas Bosomworth & Isaac Levy with proper Covenants for the term of 14 years for the better stocking cultivating & improving the said three Islands & for the trading & trafficking to & from the same which is to be done by the said Isaac Levy in such Manner as he shall think proper & reasonable at his sole Expence One Moiety or half part of all which Expenses with Carolina & Georgia forever or to whom he or they shall direct & appoint One undivided Moiety or half part the same into two equal parts to be divided of all that Tract or Tracts of Land, Island, or Islands known or distinguished by the names of hussoope or hussaba Islands Coleygee or Saint Catherines Islands & Sappala Islands bounded on the North East by Hussaba Sound on the South West by doebay Sound & divided by the Sound of Saint Catherines & Sappala, on the South East by the Sea, & on the North West by several Rivers & Creeks having no particular Names which divide the several Islands from the Continent & thro’ which Boats & other small Vessels are navigated to & from the Town of Frederica & to & from the Northern Parts of Georgia aforesaid & South Carolina which are the Right of the said Mary by descent or purchase To hold from henceforth to him the said Isaac Levy his heirs & Assigns for evermore And also that they the said Thomas Bosomworth & Mary his Wife shall & will by the like Conveyances & Assurances in the Law grant bargain sell ratify & confirm the said undivided Moiety of all & singular the said Premisses unto him the said Isaac Levy his heirs & Assigns for ever To the Use & Behoof of him the said Isaac Levy his heirs & Assigns for evermore from & immediatly after such Time as Grants & Confirmations may or can be obtained from the Crown of Great Britain effectually to establish the Right of the said Mary & her heirs to the said Premisses or of such part of the said premisses as the Crown shall think fit to make Grants of to the said Thomas Bosomworth & Mary his Wife or either of them; their or either of their heirs or to any Person or Persons in Trust for them or either of them or their Heirs.
Secondly it is further covenanted & agreed by & between the said Parties & the said Isaac Levy for himself his heirs Executors & Administrators in Consideration of the Premisses doth covenant promise & agree to & with the said Thomas Bosomworth & Mary his Wife & their heirs that he the said Isaac Levy shall & will as soon as conveniently may be after the said 18 October instant on such Conveyances being made to him as are first above mentioned at the proper costs & Charges of the said Isaac Levy (if the Council of the said Thomas Bosomworth & Isaac Levy shall think it fit & proper to be done) apply to & sollicit his Majesty in Council (or otherwise as shall be advised) & use his utmost endeavours to obtain such Grants & Confirmations from the Crown of all & singular the said Premisses unto the said Thomas Bosomworth & Mary his Wife & their heirs or to one of them & his or her heirs And also shall & will from time to time as there shall be Occasion pay & supply unto the said Thomas Bosomworth & Mary his Wife or either of them during their Stay in England any Sum or Sums of Money which the Exigency of their Affairs shall or may require not exceeding the Sum of £300 of lawfull Money of Great Britain (over & above the Expence & trouble that the said Isaac Levy is to be at towards the obtaining of the said Grants & Confirmations as fore said) upon the Terms & Conditions herein after mentioned & expressed & also shall & will by & out of the first Rents profits & produce which shall be made or arise to the said Isaac Levy his heirs Executors & Administrators out of the said Isaac Levy’s Moiety of the said three Islands & Premisses will & truly pay or cause to be paid unto the said Thomas Bosomworth & Mary his Wife their Executors Administrators & Assigns the full Sum of £200 of lawfull Money of Great Britain for their own Use.
Thirdly it is covenanted & agreed by & between the said Parties hereto & the said Thomas Bosomworth for himself & for the said Mary his Wife & their heirs Executors Administrators & Assigns doth covenant promise & agree to & with the said Isaac Levy his heirs Executors & Administrators by these Presents that in case the said Applications to his Majesty in Council shall not be succeeded in & the said Grants & Confirmations shall not be obtained that then the said Thomas Bosomworth & Mary his Wife & their heirs shall on refusal thereof by proper deeds & Writings in the Law mortgage & assign the other Moiety of the said three Islands hereby reserved to themselves & such reserved Moiety of the said Islands shall Stand & be a Security to the said Isaac Levy his heirs Executors Administrators & Assigns for the Moneys so to be paid & supplied by him to the said Thomas Bosomworth & Mary his Wife as aforesaid until the Money together with lawfull Interest shall be fully satisfied & repaid. But in Case such Grants & Confirmations shall be obtained & procured from the Crown of the said three Islands & premisses or such part thereof as shall be applied for & such Conveyances shall be immediatly thereupon made & executed to the said Isaac Levy & his heirs of one undivided Moiety thereof as aforesaid that then the said Sum of £300 shall not be repaid to the said Isaac Levy but such belong to the said Thomas Bosomworth & Mary his Wife their heirs Executors & Administrators.
Fourthly it is hereby mutually covenanted & agreed by & between the parties to these presents & the said Thomas Bosomworth & Isaac Levy do for themselves severally & for their several heirs Executors & Administrators mutually covenant & agree with each other that from & immediately after such Grants & Confirmations from the Crown of the said three Islands such part thereof as shall be applied for shall be procured as aforesaid and in case the same Grants & Confirmations shall be refused for & immediately after the present Title which the said Thomas Bosomworth & Mary his Wife have to the said three Islands shall be found to be good valid & effectual in the Law without such Grants & Confirmations being obtained and from & immediately after the said Isaac Levy shall be in full quiet & peaceful possession of the said one undivided Moiety of the said three Islands to the use of him & his heirs. That then a joint & legal Copartnership shall be entered into by articles in writing by & between them the said Thomas Bosomworth & Isaac Levy with proper Covenants for the term of 14 years for the better stocking cultivating & improving the said three Islands & for the trading & trafficking to from the same which is to be done by the said Isaac Levy in such Manner as he shall think proper & reasonable at his sole Expense One Moiety or half part of all which Expenses with Carolina. Interest for the same is in the first place to be deducted by & repaid to the said Isaac Levy by & out of the Rents Issues & Profits & Produce of the said Thomas Bosomworth & Mary his Wife’s Moiety of the said three Islands arising from the mutual Cultivation of the said Islands, Stock thereon & Stock in Trade.
And for the true performance of all & every the Covenants & Agreements herein contained which on the part & behalf of the said Thomas Bosomworth & Mary his Wife & their heirs Executors & Administrators are or ought to be paid done performed & kept, he the said Thomas Bosomworth doth hereby bind & oblige himself his heirs Executors & Administrators to the said Isaac Levy his heirs Executors & Administrators in the penal Sum of £1000 firmly by these Presents & for the true performance of all & every the Covenants & Agreements in these Presents contained which is the part & behalf of the said Isaac Levy his heirs Executors & Administrators are or ought to be paid done performed & kept. He the said Isaac Levy doth bind & oblige himself his heirs Executors & Administrators to the said Thomas Bosomworth & Mary his Wife their Heirs Executors & Administrators in the penal Sum of £1000 firmly by these Presents. In Witness whereof the said Parties to these Present Articles have hereunto interchangeably set their hands & Seals the day & year first above written.
Tho. Bosomworth
Mary Bosomworth
Isaac Levy
Sealed & Delivered (being first duly Stampt) in the Presence of Us-
A. Bosomworth
James Barnard
John Morton
J. Clevland, Secretary to the Lords of the Admiralty, to the Board of Trade, Feb. 14, 1757, London, read Feb. 17, 1757, C.O. 5/645, B. 36, desiring the ship Tuno to be conveyed into the Savannah River.
Sir:
I have laid before my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty your Letter of the 5th. Instant, signifying the Desire of the Lords of Trade and Plantations, that one of the Ships of War bound to North America, may be appointed to convoy the Juno, bound to Georgia with Presents for the Indians, & Military Stores for that Settlement, safe into the Savannah River; And in return I am to acquaint you, for their Lordship’s Information, that the Ships of War will, it is hoped, be at Spithead by the 20th. Instant, and that Directions will be given for one of them to see the Juno safe off of the Savanna River, as their Lordships desire.
Henry Ellis to William Pitt, Dec. 10, 1757, Georgia, received March 30, 1758, assuring the Privy Council that the rule of neutrality will be observed and informing him of a recent treaty with the Indians bearing on the Bosomworth Claims.
Sir
‘Tis but within these few days that I have had the honour to receive your Letter of the 11th. of January from the Council Office; annexed to an Instruction from his Majesty relative to the Neutrality to be observed by our Ships in the Gulph of Naples. I shall take particular care to communicate these Instructions to the Commanders of any private Ships of War that may put into the ports of this Colony, & insist upon an exact obedience being shewn to them. It gives me a great deal of concern Sir that my Letters from Ministry are so long on their way hither, & I am at a loss what to attribute this to.
I did myself the honour to write to you in August last, in answer to a letter I had then from you, in which I gave a short description of our situation.
Since that time no material occurrence has happened, except that I have had a Great Meeting with the Head Men of the Creek Nation of Indians, renewed our Friendship & Alliance with them & settled some other matters that hitherto had been productive of a good deal of uneasiness & altercation between us.
This Sir is all I have been able to accomplish, for the french have acquired so strong a party in their Nation, that to propose to the Indians to act offensively against them, would have given great umbrage, & been employed to our disadvantage by the Enemy, who being yet weak on the Mississippi, make a virtue of necessity, in affecting the greatest moderation, & aversion to spilling human blood, which has made impressions in their favour upon the minds of the Savages. I have distributed his Majesty’s Presents to these Indians in as judicious & frugal a manner as I was capable, & dismissed them perfectly satisfied with their treatment. It will be necessary however to continue our attention & kindness, whilst the french are so active & assiduous to corrupt them. The more effectually to counteract their measures it would be highly requisite to have annual Supplies of Presents. This, tho’ a considerable expence, may prevent a much greater one in maintaining an armed force here, which must be done should our Enemies gain their point. Herewith I send a Copy of our Treaty: the Article respecting Lands Islands was inserted at the desire of the Indians themselves, & regards certain claims that a man trumped up here by virtue of a Marriage with an indian Woman, & a Purchase he pretends to have made from some of the principal people of that Nation. This Affair which has caused many disputes with the Indians, strong apprehensions in the minds of our people, & a quantity of the best Lands on the frontier.
I have wrote pretty fully on this subject to the Lords of Trade, & the Agent for this Province.
I shall not here mention the defenceless condition of this Country, as the Representation of it by our Assembly, which I have already transmitted to you, contains every thing that need be said on this points.
It may not be improper to acquaint you Sir, that the Spaniards are intent on settling a Colony of 500 Families in Florida, & that some misunderstandings have lately fallen out between them, & the Indians, owing to some indiscretions of the former, & a jealousy entertained of their encroachments by the latter. I have wrote all I have been able to learn upon this matter to the Board of Trade.
Copy of a Treaty of Peace and Friendship between Gov. Ellis with the Upper Creek Indians, Savannah, Nov. 3, 1757, enclosed with Ellis to Pitt, Dec. 10, 1757.32
Henry Ellis to the Board of Trade, Dec. 15, 1757, Georgia, received March 30, read April 5, 1758, C.O. 5/646, C. 30, answering the Board’s June 9 letter requiring an account of iron made in Georgia. 32
The only Letter I have received from your Lordships since I arrived here was one of the 9th. of June that came to my hands the 10th. instant wherein agreeable to His Majesty’s Commands your Lordships desire I would immediately transmit an account of the quantity of Iron that has been made in this Colony between the years 1749 & 1756 distinguishing year.
In answer to which I must acquaint your Lordships that hitherto there has been no Iron Work erected in this Province nor any Essay made of the Ore with which it abounds.
Henry Ellis to the Board of Trade, Jan. 1, 1758, Georgia, received March 30, read April 5, 1758, C.O. 5/646, C. 31, giving an account of the state of the province, urging the expediency of a compromise with the Bosomworths and the necessity of a military force in the colony.
My Lords
I have received but within these few days two Letters from Mr Secretary Pownall one of the 7th March the other of the 3d June. The first inclosed an Act relative to the exportation of Corn from his Majesty’s Plantations &ca which has been publisht here & all manner of regard will be shown to it. The other Letter conveyed to me the Resolutions of the house of Commons of the 23d May last upon certain pretensions of the Jamaica Assembly which I have communicated to the principal people here not to their disatisfaction & I shall endeavor having them inserted in the Journals of our Assembly at their next Meeting. This Body was industriously attempting to usurp the same power influenced by the example of South Carolina & had indeed made a considerable progress therein during the Administration of my Predecessor. The reducing things to their proper bounds has been a great object with me & not the least difficulty I have had to combat, tho’ tis a satisfaction that my endeavors have not been altogether fruitless. ‘Tis a great mortification to me that so many of my letters have miscarried as I flatter myself they would have furnished your Lordships with as true & circumstantial an account of the posture of affairs in this province as have hitherto come to your hands. In a former letter I touched upon the Misunderstanding that had fallen out between the Spaniards in this Neighbourhood & the Creek Indians as also the Correspondence it produced between the Governor of Augustine & myself. I have since learnt the whole truth of that affair which has enabled me to clear our people from the unjust suspicions the Spanish Governor harboured of their being instrumental to that disturbance. I now enclose to your Lordships a Letter he sent me & two that I wrote him which will fully explain our proceedings. I have not yet had an answer to the second Letter but have seen a Gentleman from Augustine who assures me the Governor is convinced of his mistake & has taken some measures for restoring the quiet of those parts.
My Lords I cannot help resuming the subject of the Bosomworths disputes. I am every day the more convinced of the expediency of terminating them in a satisfactory manner. My situation in respect to this Affair is very disagreeable. All the pains I take to detach the Indians from the Interest of the Bosomworths serve to excite their activity & increase their efforts to embroil us by poisoning the minds of the Savages by wicked & false suggestions. If on the other hand I should temporise & shew them any degree of countenance I might subject myself to suspicions of betraying the Interests of the Crown. These people would gladly take advantage of our national distress to accomplish their ends yet I believe nothing further is to be apprehended from them at present than retarding the Settlement of the Colony which indeed is a great evil.
I am persuaded they would accept of conditions much inferior to those I transmitted to your Lordships & I presume it would not be difficult to shew that it is the interest of the public in many respects as well as of the Bosomworths that an accomidation should speedily take place. In my former letter I represented the necessity of having a small Military force here & mentioned what had been done by Mr Reynolds towards raising three Troops of Rangers. The Officers were commissioned & about 40 of the first Troops levied. These for some time were subsisted by means of negotiable Certificates that acquired credit for a notion that the Crown would discharge them as it had done those Mr Oglethorpe issued in the last War.33 That expedient soon failing I have since been enabled to maintain them by a Credit the Earl of Loudoun gave me upon the deputy Pay Master at New York until he should hear from home. This is their present state & except these few Irregulars there are no forces in the Province. ‘Tis greatly to be wished a Troop or two of these Rangers were kept on foot during the present War being well calculated for this Country service especially in case of Indian disturbances as they can shoot on horseback & ride full speed thro’ the Woods. I have wrote pretty fully to Mr Martyn concerning them in order that he may solicit their establishment. We had lately a Company of the Virginia Regiment but they are just recalled for the defence of their own province. I continue to be visited by parties of Indians from the Creek Country whom I am obliged to entertain & give presents to, but this I do in a less degree than formerly as we have no fund to support it. I apprehend the whole expense attending these transactions will exceed the sum reserved for them near £1,000 which ‘tis possible we may be able to discharge with part of the money annually allowed for contingencies provided no extraordinary demands are made upon it which however cannot be foreseen. Notwithstanding the very large sum drawn by Mr Reynolds to defray the expenses of the last Indian Congress at Augusta there are demands outstanding for upwards of £140 but I must confess the utmost prodigality & indiscretion was shewn upon that occasion. I must now mention to your Lordships an affair that deserves some regard. The present Manager of our Silk Fillature Mr Otterlinghe is in an indifferent state of health, & cannot be expected to live many years. No step has been taken to provide a Successor to him the consequence of which should he drop off would be that this culture so valuable, practicable; & nursed for many years at a considerable expense to the nation must immediately fall to the ground. Being upon no Establishment & naturally jealous I cannot prevail on him to instruct any body in this Art & he does not scruple to assign the precariousness of his Situation for a reason.34
I humbly presume my Lords that as your justice & humanity can never permit you to put a hardship upon this poor man it would not be improper to ascertain his Annual Allowance & authorize me to appoint him an Assistant with a small Salary who might soon be qualified to secceed him. We have lately received two Boxes of Silk Worm Eggs forwarded from England by Mr Martyn, & are not without hopes that this important undertaking will at length compensate for the pains & expense that has attended it. The Society for the Encouragement of Arts & Manufactures have generously extended their regard to us by allowing a premium of 3 pence a pound on our Cocoons of the best quality which will induce more people to employ themselves that way.
There remains but to inform your Lordships that the people of this Colony are in general contented, & enjoy a great share of happiness & tranquillity in these calamitous times; that there is a visible spirit of industry & improvement among them & that numbers come daily into us drove from their habitations on the frontiers of the northern Colonies.
Henry Ellis to the Governor at St. Augustine, Aug. 22, 1757, Savannah, received March 30, read April 6, 1758, C.O. 5/646, C. 32, enclosed with Ellis to Board of Trade, Jan. 1, 1758, assuring him that Georgians did not provoke Indians in the southward to attack Spaniards.
Sir
I take this occasion of acquainting your Excellency with the honor the King has done me in appointing me to preside over this Province.
Indeed I ought to have notified this to you before but no opportunity offered for that purpose.
I am no sooner made acquainted with your Excellency’s Abilities & great personal merit but I learn that we are soon to have the misfortune of losing you from these parts which upon my own Account I cannot but lament as I flattered myself with having great satisfaction in holding a friendly Correspondence with you which might possibly contribute to our mutual advantage, & that of our Royal Masters.
I cannot omit informing your Excellency that a Report prevails here that the Savages are meditating some mischief against you & by a letter I had from the Southern parts of this Province I find that they have already seized four Spaniards. Upon which occasion I have wrote to the Magistrates & other persons in power to endeavor to recover them if no other means will prevail even to purchase them from the Indians. I have also desired our people to use their best efforts to accomodate any difference that may subsist between your Government & the Indians. And I assure your Excellency upon my honor that I have constantly & strenuously inculcated to those Savages who live in amity with us to shew the same regard to your Nation with whom we are in peace & friendship as to ourselves & I will upon all occasions discountenance every thing that may tend to the commission of such barbarities as are proscribed amongst men of religion & humanity. These are the Sentiments which I hope your Excellency will entertain of me & which I do not despair to justify by my conduct.
If there is any way wherein I can be of use to your Excellency here you may with great freedom command.
Alonso Fernandez de Heredia, Governor of Florida, to Henry Ellis, Sept. 19, 1757, St. Augustine, received March 30, read April 6, 1758, C.O. 5/646, C. 33, enclosed with Ellis to Board of Trade, Jan. 1, 1758.
Mui Señor Mio.
He rizevudo la de Va. de 27 del prossimo pasado Mes de Agosto con la estimacion que se merezen las atentas expresiones que en ella me haze, y satisfaziendo por mi parte, a las que debo a su generosidad, Digo que celebro que S. M. B. aiga confidado a Va. el Govierno de esa Provincia, y que se halle con ordones de su Soberano para mantener todo genero de buena correspondencia con este Govierno, en el que mientras quo Yo me mantenga observare con la major puntualidad las demonstraciones que piden la buena armonia, y neutralidad establecida entre neustras Cortes, y por lo que espero merezen a Va. para que no se interrumpa esta perfecta disposicion se sirva mandar ritirar de los Dominios de S. M. C. mi Soberano los establesimientos que trubiere en ellos de Ingleses, que mobiendo a los Indios, y subministrando les armas y municiones, vienana a inquietar estos Contornos y a trazer dano a los Hazendades que descuidades, y en la buena fee que se delic conservar en la tranquillidad en que nos hallamos padezen muchos persuicios como succedio la vez pasada de que Va. haze mencion, y antes de aier nuevamente cometieron iguales extorciones; este desorden Juede causar fatales consequencias, y el que hazen las embaraciones Inglesas con las Espanolas, a las que robando, sa que ando, y deteniendo en su navegacion como a contecio dias pasador una Balandra que venia a este Puerto darian motibos de sentimiento a la misma Carte de Inglaterra, la que deseando como Va. me dice una sincera inteligencia entre estos dos Goviernos no desaprobaráque Va. me facilitélos Vineras por mano del Asentista Dn. Jesse Fish que le judiere para este presidio que tiene hecha contrata con la casa de los Waltones vezinos de la Neuba York, pero sinque se mezele efectos de ropas niotras ad herentes que son prohibidos por Leyes establescidas de nuestro Soberano.
Va. vea si yo le puedo servir en este pais en alguna cosa que le executarécon la atencion debida procurandome a honor de complacerle on quanto penda de mi arbitrio.
Dios Güe a Va. Mr. A como desea &cc.
Dn. MONSO FERNZ de HEREDIR. [sic]
Translation35
I have received your letter dated the 27th of August with the esteem your polite expressions deserve, and also to satisfy those expressions I owe you because of your generosity. Let me say that I rejoice that his Majesty has entrusted you with the government of that province, and that you find yourself with orders from your Sovereign to maintain good correspondence with this government in which, while I serve, I will observe, with great punctuality, the Demonstrations required by the good harmony and neutrality established between our courts, and for what I believe it merits. So that this perfect arrangement is not interrupted, I ask you to please withdraw from the domains of his Majesty, my Sovereign, the settlements you may have among them of Englishmen. By subverting the Indians and supplying them arms and ammunition, they come to disturb these surroundings. They bring harm to the homesteads which are not cared for and damage the good faith that must be preserved for the tranquility in which we now find ourselves. They suffer many damages, as it happened the last time you mentioned. The day before yesterday they committed similar exploitations. This disorder can have fatal consequences, as can that damage which is done by English ships to Spanish, which they rob, plunder, and stop their sailing, as happened a few days ago to a Bilander36 which was coming to this port.
These things would distress the English court, which, as you say, desires a sincere understanding between these two governments. It [the English government] would not disapprove your furnishing us supplies through the hands of the contractor, Jesse Fish, a factor for this garrison, which he has in the form of a contract with the house of the Waltons of New York, but without mixing clothing or other things forbidden by the laws established by our Sovereign.
Your Excellency should call upon me if I could be of service in this region in some way. I carefully will do whatever I can, always considering it an honor to please you in all that is within my power. May God guide your Mercy.
D. Monso Fernz. de Heridir
Henry Ellis to the Governor at St. Augustine, Nov. 28, 1757, Georgia, received March 30, read April 6, 1758, C.O. 5/646, C. 34, enclosed with Ellis to Board of Trade, Jan. 1, 1758, giving an account of the Creek raid against St. Marks.
I have the honor of your Excellency’s letter of the 19th. of September & have very seriously considered the Contents of it.
I am not a little surprised that your Excellency should harbour any suspicions of his Britannick Majestys Subjects encouraging the Indians to give disturbance to your Government. I have made the strictest enquiry I was able into this matter & cannot learn that any one step has been taken by our people of this tendency. I have made the same enquiry among the chiefs of the Creek Indians who were lately with me & have collected from their joint information that the difference subsisting between your Government & these Savages had its rise from several irregularities committed by the Garrison of St Marks whom the Indians impeach of having used some indecencies with their women. Tho’ at the same time the Indians declare that when they attacked the Spaniards at that place it was unpremeditated; for a party had set out from their Country with an intention to hunt the florida Indians, but having altered their opinion & resolved to return home they thought it would be shameful to do so without carrying a Scalp with them & this consideration induced them to take that opportunity of resenting the indignity they conceived had been offered them by the Spaniards; That in the rencounter which thereupon ensued one of their head Men was killed & his friends thinking it incumbent on them to revenge his death committed the subsequent outrages. This is the best state of the case I can obtain & I have reason to believe that the information your Excellency has received by this time will confirm it & give you different sentiments of the English than you entertained when you wrote me.
Your Excellency has been pleased to request that I would order his Majesty’s Subjects to retire from the Territories of the Catholic King.
I do not find that any such are settled in pacts that come under that description otherwise I would use my endeavors to remove them & indeed every other just cause of misunderstanding between the two Governments. And I cannot but repeat the Assurances I have already given that I have nothing more at heart than the Maintenance of that friendship & harmony that happily exists between the two Nations.
Your excellencys recommendation of Mr Fish has great weight with me and he may depend upon receiving every good office & indulgence from me that is consistent with the fundamental Laws of my Country and further I am sure your Excellency or he cannot expect as a breach of them would subject me to a severe censure.